Why the Department of Veterans Affairs Shouldn’t Be Funding Abortion

COMMENTARY Life

Why the Department of Veterans Affairs Shouldn’t Be Funding Abortion

Aug 6, 2025 2 min read
COMMENTARY BY
Chris Wingate

Government Relations Director

Chris Wingate is the Government Relations Director at The Heritage Foundation.
A plaque is displayed outside of the Department of Veterans Affairs' headquarters on June 22, 2025 in Washington, D.C. Kevin Carter / Getty Images

Key Takeaways

Recent policy changes have redirected scarce VA resources toward elective abortion services, raising questions about the appropriate scope of the VA’s mission.

VA facilities in all 50 states—including those where abortion is otherwise prohibited by state law—now offer abortion services without legislative authorization.

Ending the life of an unborn child—no matter how it is labeled—is not a service-connected disability and it should never be treated as one.

Veterans retiring or separating from the military—especially those with multiple deployments to Iraq and Afghanistan—have seen firsthand the toll that defending American lives can take on those who serve. They have witnessed the enduring commitment the nation makes to its service members: That, upon completing their service, they will be cared for with dignity and fairness through the Department of Veterans Affairs.

That longstanding commitment is now under scrutiny. Recent policy changes have redirected scarce VA resources toward elective abortion services, raising significant legal and ethical questions about the appropriate scope of the VA’s mission.

For more than 30 years, federal law has limited the VA’s authority to provide or fund abortions, allowing them only in cases when a mother’s life is at risk. This legal framework—established in the Veterans Health Care Act of 1992 and reaffirmed through the Veterans’ Health Care Eligibility Reform Act of 1996—reflected a bipartisan understanding that the VA should remain focused on medically necessary care for those injured or affected by military service.

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In 2022, under the Biden administration, the VA issued an interim final rule expanding abortion access to include cases of rape, incest and broadly defined threats to a woman’s health. The term “health” is not explicitly defined in the rule and may encompass mental health or other subjective factors. In 2024, the VA finalized the policy and extended it to certain dependents and survivors through the CHAMPVA program.

As a result, VA facilities in all 50 states—including those where abortion is otherwise prohibited by state law—now offer abortion services without explicit legislative authorization. In October 2023, the VA reported performing 88 abortions during the first year under the new policy. This shift raises significant questions about the executive branch’s authority to reinterpret longstanding statutory limits and underscores broader concerns about the politicization of the VA’s healthcare mission.

This policy expansion also comes at a time when the VA continues to face persistent challenges in delivering core services, including timely access to primary care, mental health treatment and specialty care. Redirecting resources to provide elective procedures not authorized by statute risks diverting attention and funding from the agency’s primary mission: ensuring high-quality, timely care for those who have served.

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Given these legal, operational and ethical implications, it is appropriate for lawmakers and oversight entities to evaluate whether the VA’s current abortion policy aligns with congressional intent, respects statutory limits, and preserves the department’s essential focus on veteran-centered care.

Combat veterans understand better than most the importance of preserving the VA’s integrity and clarity of mission. The department’s resources must remain focused solely on addressing the physical and psychological wounds of those who served. Ending the life of an unborn child—no matter how it is labeled—is not a service-connected disability and it should never be treated as one.

This piece originally appeared in The Washington Times

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