On September 23, President Barack Obama will give his first
address to the United Nations General Assembly. Recent statements
by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton[1] and U.S. Permanent
Representative to the United Nations Susan Rice[2] may offer several
clues as to the content of the President's speech. Both laid out a
wide-ranging agenda that, together, would have the U.S. seeking
U.N. action on nuclear proliferation and disarmament, global
warming, the Israeli and Palestinian conflict, Iraq, Afghanistan
and Pakistan, development, women's rights, and a number of other
issues.
While this list may be broad, it contains very few "new"
policies: previous Administrations have addressed these issues or
themes repeatedly at the U.N. What is different, however, is the
tone: Both speeches blamed the previous Administration for tense
relations between the U.S. and the U.N. while glossing over,
downplaying, or ignoring the U.N.'s many problems. The U.S. does
itself and the U.N. no favors with this strategy. Giving the U.N.
more responsibilities without pressing for the reforms necessary
for them to be successful will only reaffirm the U.N.'s reputation
for irrelevance and ineffectiveness.
A Misdirected Reform Agenda
There is no doubt that, historically, the relationship between
the United States and the United Nations has been strained. Yet
this is to be expected: The U.N. is a profoundly political body
with 192 member nations seeking to advance their various, often
competing, interests.[3] Both Ambassador Rice and Secretary Clinton,
however, assign primary fault for the strained relationship not to
the normal stresses of competing agendas but to American policies.
Rice stated:
[W]e've seen the costs of disengaging. We have paid the price of
stiff-arming the U.N. and spurning our international partners. The
United States will lead in the 21st century--not with hubris, not
by hectoring, but through patient diplomacy and a steadfast resolve
to strengthen our common security by investing in our common
humanity.[4]
Rice pledged to "dramatically" revamp America's role at the U.N.
by working more closely with other nations on key issues and
setting a tone of "decency and mutual respect rather than
condescension and contempt."[5]
Based on Rice's comment that "others will likely shoulder a
greater share of the global burden if the U.S. leads by example,
acknowledges mistakes, corrects course when necessary, forges
strategies in partnership and treats others with respect,"[6] it is
hard not to conclude that the Obama Administration sees the past
U.S. policies as the primarily problem. Indeed, the Administration
has focused not on reforming the U.N. but on reforming U.S. policy
at the U.N., including:
- Adopting the Millennium Development Goals as U.S. policy,
despite their many flaws as a development strategy[7];
- Joining the Human Rights Council, which the Bush Administration
had shunned because it was gravely flawed, anti-Israel, and
included countries that use their positions to blunt action to
promote human rights (such as China, Cuba, and Saudi Arabia)[8];
- Rescinding the Mexico City policy prohibiting U.S. funding of
abortions abroad, supporting resolutions that use the term
"reproductive health" as a code for support for abortion and
restoring U.S. contributions to the U.N. Population Fund;
- Supporting references to the International Criminal Court (ICC)
in U.N. resolutions despite the fact that the U.S. has refused to
join the court over concerns about its vulnerability to
politicization and the recent announcement by the ICC prosecutor
that he could launch investigations of U.S. troops for actions in
Afghanistan[9]; and
- Paying nearly a billion dollars in U.S. arrears to the U.N.
without demanding any reforms in exchange, despite extensive
evidence of fraud and corruption in U.N. peacekeeping procurement
and lack of punishment for peacekeepers involved in sexual abuse or
other misconduct.[10]
In contrast, the Administration's agenda for U.N. reform is
extremely general or completely absent. For example, Secretary
Clinton did not mention U.N. reform once in her speech. Rice
stated:
It's not enough that costs be contained and funds spent without
corruption; each dollar must serve its intended purpose. ... Our
priorities are greater transparency and accountability, stronger
ethics and oversight mechanisms, and buttressing Secretary-General
Ban Ki-moon's initiatives to overhaul the U.N.'s procurement and
human resources practices.[11]
Ambassador Rice knows that most of these reforms have been
stalled at the U.N. due to resistance by most member states. Other
implemented reforms, like the U.N. Ethics Office, have been
hamstrung and ignored by disparate parts of the U.N.[12]
Worse, reforms that showed promise--such as the Mandate Review[13]
and the Procurement Task Force[14]--were terminated or
strangled.
Unless the U.S. pushes hard--including being willing to withhold
U.S. contributions based on evidence from previous reform
efforts--U.N. reform will continue to fall short. Such shortcomings
are a concern because the Administration clearly seeks U.N.
involvement in more issues central to U.S. interests. Yet the
organization's ability to address these issues is compromised by
the lack of reform.
If the United States is to benefit from the U.N., it must lead
the reform effort. Unfortunately, the U.S. is instead focused on
using its political capital to tilt at multilateral windmills like
urging the U.N. to address global warming and nuclear
non-proliferation and disarmament--issues that require multilateral
action but have historically foundered at the U.N.[15]
American Leadership Needed
Secretary Clinton stated, "We, in my view, ignore [the United
Nations] and walk away from it at our peril."[16] Working with or
through the U.N. can advance U.S. interests in certain
circumstances, but Americans ignore the failings of the U.N. at
their peril.
If the U.S. is to protect its interests, it must continue--as
Kim R. Holmes argues in ConUNdrum, a new book on the U.N.[17]--to take the lead in addressing the many
problems plaguing the U.N. system and understand when to go to the
U.N. and, even more critically, when not to. As long as the
Obama Administration has its focus inverted, U.S. interests at the
U.N. and elsewhere will suffer.
Brett D. Schaefer is Jay Kingham Fellow in
International Regulatory Affairs in the Margaret Thatcher Center
for Freedom, a division of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis
Institute for International Studies, at The Heritage Foundation and
editor of ConUNdrum: The Limits of the United Nations and the
Search for Alternatives (Rowman and Littlefield Publishers,
2009).
[3]For
instance, traditional U.S. concerns about advancing accountable,
representative government raise hackles among the majority of U.N.
member states who are not politically "free." See Freedom House,
"Freedom in the World 2009: Global Data," at http://www.freedomhouse.org/uploads/
fiw09/FIW09_Tables&GraphsForWeb.pdf (September 22,
2009). Similarly, efforts by the U.S. to apply an evenhanded
approach to Israel and Palestine at the U.N. run afoul of the
Organization of the Islamic Conference, which is overtly hostile to
Israel. Another example is the periodic showdown over the U.N.
budget. As the largest contributor to the U.N.--providing more than
$5 billion each year to the U.N. and related organizations--the
U.S. is strongly interested in holding down costs and reducing
waste, mismanagement, corruption, and inefficiency while other
countries who pay very little see this as an attempt to end their
favored programs.
[4]Rice, "A New Course in the World."
[11]Rice, "A New Course in the World."
[13]In 2005, the General Assembly agreed to
review the over 9,000 mandates of the General Assembly, Security
Council, and ECOSOC. Only a very small number of mandates have been
eliminated as of today despite the evident need for such a review.
For instance, there are still active mandates dating back to the
1940s, including an active, recurrent mandate first adopted in 1946
regarding "the possible transfer of certain functions, activities
and assets of the League of Nations." In August 2008, the co-chairs
of the mandate review concluded in their analysis of 279 mandates
in the humanitarian cluster that only 155 mandates, or 56 percent,
were "current and relevant" and that only 18 of the 52 mandates in
the African development cluster, or only 35 percent, were
considered current and relevant. Although this review was started
years ago, it has completely stalled, and nothing has happened to
address these out-of-date or irrelevant mandates that divert
resources from other, more relevant activities.
[15]For a discussion on the U.N's poor record in
addressing international environmental, non-proliferation and arms
control, and other issues, see Brett D. Schaefer, ed.,
ConUNdrum: The Limits of the United Nations and the Search for
Alternatives (Lanham, MD.: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers,
2009).
[16]Clinton, "Speech in Advance of the United
Nations General Assembly."
[17]Kim R. Holmes, "Smart Multilateralism: When
and When Not to Rely on the United Nations," in Schaefer,
ConUNdrum, pp. 9-29.