The
Senate will soon debate legislation to give Medicare beneficiaries
a prescription drug benefit. The Senate is also considering other
legislative proposals aimed at reducing the price of prescription
drugs. The proposals are badly designed and misdirected. If
enacted, these proposals will ultimately restrict seniors' access
to new, more effective drugs and treatments.
Most
seniors have prescription drug coverage through supplemental health
plans, including retirement plans offered by former employers.
Under leading House and Senate Medicare prescription drug
proposals, it is likely that these private plans will be displaced.
A better idea is to target resources to the minority of seniors who
do not now have access prescription drug coverage, and to do so in
a way that is compatible with comprehensive Medicare reform. In
1999, the majority of the National Bipartisan Commission on the
Future of Medicare outlined a proposal for comprehensive reform,
including the incorporation of prescription drug coverage, based on
the successful experience of the Federal Employees Health Benefits
Program (FEHBP). The Bush Administration also endorsed this
approach.
Badly
designed Medicare drug proposals, combined with other legislative
proposals that would inhibit the generation of new medicines, are
not the answer. Congress should refrain from making matters worse,
and instead take steps that will give Medicare patients access to
the best health care in the world.
Why
Senate Drug Policies Will Backfire
Either unable or unwilling to tackle comprehensive Medicare reform,
congressional leaders instead are promising seniors what they
cannot deliver: high-quality drug coverage through a government
program. They are proposing to do this through the re-importation
of drugs made in America that have been subjected to Canadian price
regulation and by promoting cheaper, generic drugs.
S. 2244,
Prescription Drug Price Parity for Americans Act, sponsored by
Senator Byron Dorgan (D-ND).
This bill would promote the re-importation of drugs from Canada
for resale in the United States. The aim of this legislation is to
reduce the price of drugs in the United States. While this
legislation is superficially reasonable and politically attractive
for Members of Congress, its effects would surely be
counterproductive.
First,
prescription drugs can be cheaper in Canada because of government
pricing. Canada and other foreign governments routinely demand that
American pharmaceutical manufacturers offer their drugs at, or even
below, their market value. Foreign government pricing thus shifts a
disproportionate share of drug research and development costs onto
American consumers. But drug manufacturers are not required to sell
their medicines to Canada or other foreign countries, so the
re-importation option creates a different problem. If prescription
drugs brought in from Canada flood the American market, the
legislation could encourage pharmaceutical manufacturers to limit
the supply of those products to Canada. This would either leave
Canadians with no adequate surplus for re-importation or simply
stop the sale of those products altogether. The drugs would then be
less available or available only at a substantially higher
price.
Second,
the proposal would make investments in new medicine less
attractive. If the legislation actually did prove successful in
reducing the price of drugs within the boundaries of the United
States, pharmaceutical revenues and profit margins would obviously
decline. Congressional rhetoric notwithstanding, this is not a good
thing. While pharmaceutical manufacturers are often forced to
accept smaller profit margins in those countries that do not pay
fair market value, they must depend on those countries, including
the United States, that do not fix their prices. The potential loss
of revenue and smaller profit margins would lead to less
reinvestment in the intensive research and development that creates
new and improved drug treatments. Therefore, current drug supplies
would tighten, and future breakthrough medicines and treatments
might either slow or, in some cases, never even materialize.
Finally,
significant safety concerns surrounding the lack of assurance
Americans would have in the quality of the re-imported drugs still
remain. At a recent Senate Special Committee on Aging hearing, Food
and Drug Administration (FDA) Senior Associate Commissioner William
Hubbard presented the potential dangers associated with importation
by individuals, the purchase of drugs from foreign sources over the
Internet, and the potential introduction of counterfeit drugs into
the United States. In a recent speech, Health and Human Services
(HHS) Secretary Tommy Thompson said:
Opening our borders to re-imported
drugs potentially could increase the flow of counterfeit drugs,
cheap foreign copies of FDA-approved drugs, expired and
contaminated drugs, and drugs stored under inappropriate and unsafe
conditions. In light of the anthrax attacks last fall that's a risk
we simply cannot take.
This is
not a partisan issue. Secretary Thompson's comments reflect similar
concerns over re-importation expressed by former HHS Secretary
Donna Shalala when the Clinton Administration faced similar
congressional proposals. These unresolved safety issues add to the
troubling features of this proposal.
S. 812, Greater
Access to Affordable Pharmaceuticals Act, sponsored by Senator
Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Senator John McCain (R-AZ).
This bill would reformulate the
existing Hatch-Waxman Act, which addresses the intellectual
property rights of pharmaceuticals and availability of generic
drugs on the market. The proposed changes would aim to bring
cheaper generic drugs to the market sooner. But, like congressional
attempts to manipulate the drug markets, this legislation could
result in the development of fewer drug treatments in the
future.
While
generic drugs play a valuable role in the pharmaceutical market by
offering cheaper versions of brand-name drugs, the scientists and
researchers who work for pharmaceutical companies invest a
considerable amount of time and effort in bringing a new discovery
to market. New drugs usually cost $800 million and take 14 years to
move from the laboratory to the market. Under current law, the
companies enjoy a period during which they hold exclusive patents
on their discoveries, a recognition of the intellectual property
rights extended to all industries. It is during their period of
patent market exclusivity that many pharmaceutical companies are
able to recoup part of the investment, both financial and
otherwise, that went into creating their medicines. Without this
patent period, these companies would not have the same incentive to
continue their research and development of new medicines.
Ordinary
Americans often do not realize how time-consuming the drug approval
process is. Pharmaceutical companies must submit each discovery to
the FDA for approval during its patent period. The cumbersome
approval process can take years off a patent's life. As Dr. Merrill
Matthews, Visiting Scholar at the Institute for Policy Innovation,
points out,
That research and approval process
can take the first eight to twelve years of the 20-year patent
life, leaving maybe 10 years or less of useful patent life in which
the drug company that procured the patent and invested the research
money has exclusive right to sell the drug-assuming the drug ever
makes it to market."
Therefore, while Members of Congress debate adjusting the patent
life of pharmaceuticals, they should take into consideration the
consequences of their actions for future research and development.
Unraveling the 1984 Drug Price Competition and Patent Term
Restoration (Hatch-Waxman) Act would undermine the fair and
balanced approach designed by its authors. Senator Orrin Hatch
(R-UT), co-author of the 1984 legislation, stated in his testimony
before the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee
just a few months ago:
This statute reflects a carefully
crafted balance that promotes the development of tomorrow's
innovative therapies and allows today's off-patent drug products to
be sold by generic manufacturers at the most competitive prices to
patients very concerned about the ever rising cost of health
care.
While
Senator Hatch does not exclude the need for improvement, he
concludes:
But based on what we know today, I
think that S. 812 goes too far without a compelling demonstration
of systematic abuse, and it upsets the carefully crafted balance
dynamic with the Bolar provision. [The Bolar provision refers to an
amendment included in the 1984 legislation that allows generic drug
firms to get an early start in the FDA approval process before the
original patent has expired.]
Conclusion
Medicare, the government health care program for seniors, should
provide Medicare patients access to high quality health care. But
Medicare has fallen behind in offering its beneficiaries the latest
in medical treatments and therapies, including prescription drug
coverage. Members of Congress should undertake structural
improvements in Medicare that will ensure seniors have access to
medical innovation and technology within a market-based framework
that ensures competition, choice, and quality, whether it be a new
life-saving cancer drug or an improved pacemaker.
Instead,
too many Members of Congress seem intent on trying to hold on to an
outdated structure of central planning and price regulation while
substituting patchwork drug proposals for real reform. These
patchwork proposals will not work. In one way or another, their
provisions will discourage, rather than encourage, the development
of new prescription drugs and could actually reduce seniors' access
to life-improving, life-saving therapies.
If
members of the House and Senate want to help today's seniors and
prepare for the wave of baby boomers set to retire within the next
nine years, they should do so by getting serious about improving
the way in which Medicare works, addressing Medicare's increasingly
serious managerial deficiencies, and adding a new prescription drug
benefit only within the context of real Medicare reform.
Nina
Owcharenkois a Health Care Policy Analyst in
Domestic Policy at The Heritage Foundation.