Both the Senate and House versions of the FY 2026 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) contain critical and substantive provisions that support President Trump’s vision of a revitalized American military refocused on war-fighting and with sufficient capacity to defend the national security interests of the American people.

The Senate version of the bill increases the national defense topline to $924.7 billion, accounting for the historically high inflation of the Biden era and the need for the revitalization and modernization of the military in an era of renewed great power competition.

The bills being voted on in both chambers place particular emphasis on reforming Department of Defense (DOD) acquisition processes and cutting red tape to increase efficiency and deliver capabilities more quickly, an important effort clearly in line with Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth’s goals for the military. Senate Armed Services Committee Chairman Roger Wicker stressed the bill’s “historic reforms to modernize the Pentagon’s budgeting and acquisition operations” in support of the reindustrialization of the United States.

The bills direct the DOD to streamline acquisition processes, cut onerous reporting requirements and limitations, and adopt commercial products and services when possible. These efforts echo Secretary Hegseth’s April memorandum, which called for transformation and acquisition reform within the Army, with the intended effect of delivering war-fighting capabilities to American service-members as quickly and efficiently as possible.

>>> 5 Ways To Restore America’s Defense Industrial Base Without New Spending

The Senate version in particular contains exceptionally impressive investments in the American nuclear deterrent, vital to a strategy of peace through strength that limits the need to engage in military action. It authorizes the procurement of five Columbia-class submarines and continued development of a sea-launched nuclear cruise missile, a critical part of America’s Indo-Pacific deterrence strategy.

China is engaging in a massive nuclear build-up, and Russia is rapidly modernizing its nuclear arsenal. The United States must modernize its arsenal to regain the edge and ensure that no nuclear-armed adversary can threaten the homeland.

Both bills provide considerable funding to support American airpower, prohibit the Air Force from retiring aircraft prematurely, and facilitate the procurement of additional B-21 bombers. Importantly, the Senate version restores procurement of most of the F-35 fighters that had been left unfunded.

The bill does an impressive job of aligning the budget with strategy, prioritizing the deterrence of China in the Indo-Pacific. That includes the authorization of the full budget request for the Pacific Deterrence Initiative, support for the U.S.-Philippine alliance, $1 billion for the Taiwan Security Cooperation Initiative, and direction for the DOD to work with Taiwan to develop a joint program for building military drones.

The Senate version of the bill contains some especially important provisions supporting the administration’s goals in the Western Hemisphere as well, with a pilot program to deepen cybersecurity cooperation with Panama to protect the Panama Canal, a report on Russian and Chinese intelligence activities in Cuba, and an assessment of security cooperation between Guyana and the United States, which is needed given the recurring threats against Guyana made by socialist Venezuela.

If more funding is made available, conservatives should support additional funding in this year’s NDAA for precision-guided munitions and the procurement of warships.

An examination of the unfunded priorities lists for the Army, Navy, and Air Force will show that precision-guided munitions procurement is one of the most common requests for additional funding across the services. U.S. munitions stocks are running low as the country attempts to balance its commitments across the globe.

>>> A Conservative Defense Budget for Fiscal Year 2025

Massive investments in the most critical munitions will be needed if the United States is to replenish and expand munition inventories to sufficient levels to deter Chinese aggression in the Indo-Pacific. In particular, the U.S. military needs additional procurement of Precision Strike Missiles (PrSM), Patriot Advanced Capability-3 Missiles (PAC-3), Long-Range Anti-Ship Missiles (LRASM), Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missiles (JASSM), and Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missiles (AMRAAM).

There is substantial funding in both versions (but especially the Senate version) for the procurement of submarines. This is especially important, given the centrality of both Virginia-class attack submarines and Columbia-class ballistic missile submarines to U.S. deterrence of China in the Indo-Pacific.

Hitting annual shipbuilding goals for the Virginia-class is also necessary if the AUKUS agreement with Australia is to be maintained. AUKUS is a generational investment in the broader security of the Indo-Pacific and should be preserved, providing yet another reason for lawmakers to fund and fix the delays, cost overruns, and insufficient procurement of Virginia-class subs.

Lawmakers interested in reviving the U.S. Navy should also consider additional procurement of Arleigh Burke-class destroyers and Constellation-class frigates (of which, so far, none are being purchased this year), as well as increased funding for the next two aircraft carriers.

Conservatives should support this year’s NDAA, with the Senate’s topline increase necessary to meet the moment, address the priorities of the Trump administration, and account for the historically high inflation seen under the Biden administration. Once passed, the FY 2026 NDAA will contribute substantially to President Trump’s vision of an American golden age achieved by peace through strength.

This piece originally appeared in The National Interest