Testimony Before
the Texas Senate
Delivered March
10, 2009
I appreciate the invitation to be here today to discuss the
importance of states such as Texas requiring individuals to
authenticate their identity at the polls through photo and other
forms of identification.
By way of background, I have extensive experience in voting
matters, including both the administration of elections and the
enforcement of federal voting rights laws. Prior to becoming a
Legal Scholar at the Heritage Foundation, I was a member for two
years of the Federal Election Commission. I spent four years at the
Department of Justice as a career lawyer, including as Counsel to
the Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights. I also spent five
years in Atlanta, Georgia, on the Fulton County Board of
Registration and Elections, which is responsible for administering
elections in the largest county in Georgia, a county that is almost
half African-American. I have published extensively on election and
voting issues, including on the subject of voter ID.
Guaranteeing the integrity of elections requires having security
throughout the entire election process, from voter registration to
the casting of votes to the counting of ballots at the end of the
day when the polls have closed. For example, jurisdictions that use
paper ballots seal their ballot boxes when all of the ballots have
been deposited, and election officials have step-by-step procedures
for securing election ballots and other materials throughout the
election process.
I doubt any you think that it would be a good idea for a county
to allow world wide Internet access to the computer it uses in its
election headquarters to tabulate ballots and count votes - we are
today a computer-literate generation and you understand that
allowing that kind of outside access to the software used for
counting votes would imperil the integrity of the election.
Requiring voters to authenticate their identity at the polling
place is part and parcel of the same kind of security necessary to
protect the integrity of elections. Every illegal vote steals the
vote of a legitimate voter. Voter ID can prevent:
- impersonation fraud at the polls;
- voting under fictitious voter registrations;
- double voting by individuals registered in more than one state
or locality; and
- voting by illegal aliens.
As the Commission on Federal Election Reform headed by President
Jimmy Carter and Secretary of State James Baker said in 2005:
The electoral system cannot inspire public confidence if no
safeguards exist to deter or detect fraud or to confirm the
identity of voters. Photo identification cards currently are needed
to board a plane, enter federal buildings, and cash a check. Voting
is equally important.
Voter fraud does exist, and criminal penalties imposed after the
fact are an insufficient deterrent to protect against it. In the
Supreme Court's voter ID case decided last year, the Court said
that despite such criminal penalties:
It remains true, however, that flagrant example of such fraud in
other parts of the country have been documented throughout this
Nation's history by respected historians and journalists, that
occasional examples have surfaced in recent years, and
that...demonstrate that not only is the risk of voter fraud real
but that it could affect the outcome of a close election.
The relative rarity of voter fraud prosecutions for
impersonation fraud at the polls, as the Seventh Circuit Court of
Appeals pointed out in the Indiana case, can be explained in part
because the fraud cannot be detected without the tools - a voter ID
- available to detect it. However, as I pointed out in a paper
published by the Heritage Foundation last year, a grand jury in New
York released a report in the mid-1980's detailing a widespread
voter fraud conspiracy involving impersonation fraud at the polls
that operated successfully for 14 years in Brooklyn without
detection. That fraud resulted in thousands of fraudulent votes
being cast in state and congressional elections and involved not
only impersonation of legitimate voters at the polls, but voting
under fictitious names that had been successfully registered
without detection by local election officials. This fraud could
have been easily stopped and detected if New York had required
voters to authenticate their identity at the polls. According to
the grand jury, the advent of mail-in registration was also a key
factor in perpetrating the fraud. In recent elections, thousands of
fraudulent voter registration forms have been detected by election
officials. But given the minimal to nonexistent screening efforts
engaged in by most election jurisdictions, there is no way to know
how many others slipped through. In states without identification
requirements, election officials have no way to prevent bogus votes
from being cast by unscrupulous individuals based on fictitious
voter registrations.
The problem of possible double voting by someone who is
registered in two states is illustrated by one of the Indiana
voters who was highlighted by the League of Women Voters in their
amicus brief before the Supreme Court in the Indiana case. After an
Indiana newspaper interviewed her, it turned out that the problems
she encountered voting in Indiana stemmed from her trying to use a
Florida driver's license to vote in Indiana. Not only did she have
a Florida driver's license, but she was also registered to vote in
Florida where she owned a second home. In fact, she had claimed
residency in Florida by claiming a homestead exemption on her
property taxes, which as you know is normally only available to
residents. So the Indiana law worked perfectly as intended to
prevent someone who could have illegally voted twice without
detection.
I don't want to single out Texas, but just like Indiana, New
York, and Illinois, Texas has a long and unfortunate history of
voter fraud. In the late 1800's, for example, Harrison County was
so infamous for its massive election fraud that the phrase
"Harrison County Methods" became synonymous with election fraud.
From Ballot Box 13 in Lyndon Johnson's 1948 Senate race, to recent
reports of voting by illegal aliens in Bexar County, Texas does
have individuals who are willing to risk criminal prosecution in
order to win elections. I do not claim that there is massive voter
fraud in Texas or anywhere else. In fact, as a former election
official, I think we do a good job overall in administering our
elections. But the potential for abuse exists, and there are many
close elections that could turn on a very small number of votes.
There are enough incidents of voter fraud to make it very clear
that we must take the steps necessary to make it hard to commit.
Requiring voter ID is just one such common sense step.
Not only does voter ID help prevent fraudulent voting, but where
it has been implemented, it has not reduced turnout. There is no
evidence that voter ID decreases the turnout of voters or has a
disparate impact on minority voters, the poor, or the elderly --the
overwhelming majority of Americans have photo ID or can easily
obtain one.
Numerous studies have borne this out. A study by a University of
Missouri professor of turnout in Indiana showed that turnout
actually increased by about two percentage points overall in
Indiana after the voter ID law went into effect. There was no
evidence that counties with higher percentages of minority, poor,
elderly or less-educated populations suffered any reduction in
voter turnout. In fact, "the only consistent and statistically
significant impact of photo ID in Indiana is to increase voter
turnout in counties with a greater percentage of Democrats relative
to other counties."
The Heritage Foundation released a study in September of 2007
that analyzed 2004 election turnout data for all states. It found
that voter ID laws do not reduce the turnout of voters, including
African-Americans and Hispanics - such voters were just as likely
to vote in states with ID as in states where just their name was
asked at the polling place.
A study by professors at the Universities of Delaware and
Nebraska-Lincoln examined data from the 2000, 2002, 2004, and 2006
elections. At both the aggregate and individual levels, the study
found that voter ID laws do not affect turnout including across
racial/ethnic/socioeconomic lines. The study concluded that
"concerns about voter identification laws affecting turnout are
much ado about nothing."
In 2007 as part of the MIT/CalTech Voter Project, an MIT
professor did an extensive national survey of 36,500 individuals
about Election Day practices. The survey found:
- overwhelming support for photo ID requirements across ethnic
and racial lines with "over 70% of Whites, Hispanics and Blacks
support[ing] the requirement;" and
- Only 23 people out of the entire 36,500 person sample said that
they were not allowed to vote because of voter ID, although the
survey did not indicate whether they were even eligible to vote or
used provisional ballots.
A similar study by John Lott in 2006 also found no effect on
voter turnout, and in fact, found an indication that efforts to
reduce voter fraud such as voter ID may have a positive impact on
voter turnout. That is certainly true in a case study of voter
fraud in Greene County, Alabama that I wrote about recently for the
Heritage Foundation. In that county, voter turnout went up after
several successful voter fraud prosecutions instilled new
confidence in local voters in the integrity of the election
process.
Recent election results in Georgia and Indiana also confirm that
the suppositions that voter ID will hurt minority turnout are
incorrect. Turnout in both states went up dramatically in 2008 in
both the presidential preference primary and the general
election.
In Georgia, there was record turnout in the 2008 presidential
primary election - over 2 million voters, more than twice as much
as in 2004 when the voter photo ID law was not in effect. The
number of African-Americans voting in the 2008 primary also doubled
from 2004. In fact, there were 100,000 more votes in the Democratic
Primary than in the Republican Primary. And the number of
individuals who had to vote with a provisional ballot because they
had not gotten the free photo ID available from the state was less
that 0.01%.
In the general election, Georgia, with one of the strictest
voter ID laws in the nation, had the largest turnout in its history
- more than 4 million voters. Democratic turnout was up an
astonishing 6.1 percentage points from the 2004 election. Overall
turnout in Georgia went up 6.7 percentage points, the second
highest increase of any state in the country. The black share of
the statewide vote increased from 25% in 2004 to 30% in 2008. By
contrast, the Democratic turnout in the nearby state of
Mississippi, also a state with a high percentage of black voters
but without a voter ID requirement, increased by only 2.35
percentage points.
I should point out that the Georgia voter ID law was upheld in
final orders issued by every state and federal court in Georgia
that reviewed the law, including most recently by the Eleventh
Circuit Court of Appeals. Just as in Texas, various organizations
in Georgia made the specious claims that there were hundreds of
thousands of Georgians without photo ID. Yet when the federal
district court dismissed all of their claims, the court pointed out
that after two years of litigation, none of the plaintiff
organizations like the NAACP had been able to produce a single
individual or member who did not have a photo ID or could not
easily obtain one. The district court judge concluded that this
"failure to identify those individuals is particularly acute in
light of the Plaintiffs' contention that a large number of Georgia
voters lack acceptable Photo ID...the fact that Plaintiffs, in
spite of their efforts, have failed to uncover anyone who can
attest to the fact that he/she will be prevented from voting
provides significant support for a conclusion that the photo ID
requirement does not unduly burden the right to vote."
In Indiana, which the Supreme Court said has the strictest voter
ID law in the country, turnout in the Democratic presidential
preference primary in 2008 quadrupled from the 2004 election when
the photo ID law was not in effect - in fact, there were 862,000
more votes cast in the Democratic primary than the Republican
primary. In the general election in November, the turnout of
Democratic voters increased by 8.32 percentage points from 2004,
the largest increase in Democratic turnout of any state in the
nation. The neighboring state of Illinois, with no photo ID
requirement and President Obama's home state, had an increase in
Democratic turnout of only 4.4 percentage points - nearly half of
Indiana's increase.
Just as in the federal case in Georgia, the federal court in
Indiana noted the complete inability of the plaintiffs in that case
to produce anyone who would not be able to vote because of the
photo ID law:
Despite apocalyptic assertions of wholesale vote
disenfranchisement, Plaintiffs have produced not a single piece of
evidence of any identifiable registered voter who would be
prevented from voting pursuant to [the photo ID law] because of his
or her inability to obtain the necessary photo identification.
One final point on the claims that requiring an ID, even when it
is free, is a "poll tax" because of the incidental costs like
possible travel to a registrar's office or obtaining a birth
certificate that may be involved. That claim was also raised in
Georgia. The federal court dismissed this claim, pointing out that
such an "argument represents a dramatic overstatement of what
fairly constitutes a 'poll tax'. Thus, the imposition of tangential
burdens does not transform a regulation into a poll tax. Moreover,
the cost of time and transportation cannot plausibly qualify as a
prohibited poll tax because those same 'costs' also result from
voter registration and in-person voting requirements, which one
would not reasonably construe as a poll tax."
We are one of only about one hundred democracies that do not
uniformly require voters to present photo ID when they vote. All of
those countries administer that law without any problems and
without any reports that their citizens are in any way unable to
vote because of that requirement. In fact, our southern neighbor
Mexico, which has a much larger population in poverty than Texas or
the United States, requires both a photo ID and a thumbprint to
vote - and turnout has increased in their elections since this
requirement went into effect in the 1990's.
Requiring voters to authenticate their identity is a perfectly
reasonable and easily met requirement. It is supported by the vast
majority of voters of all races and ethnic backgrounds. As the
Supreme Court said, voter ID protects the integrity and reliability
of the electoral process. Texas has a valid and legitimate state
interest not only in deterring and detecting voter fraud, but in
maintaining the confidence of its citizens in the security of its
elections.