April 21, 2009 | WebMemo on Latin America
President Obama has completed a grip-and-grin opportunity with hemispheric counterparts at the recently concluded Fifth Summit of the Americas. At the summit, billed as a listen-and-learn event, President Obama modestly offered U.S. assistance to Latin American nations hardest hit by the economic crisis via lending from the International Monetary Fund and Inter-American Development Bank, as well as promising a $100 million Microfinance Growth Fund. Obama made no public mention of trade, foreign investments, or global trade negotiations as potential solutions.
The President reiterated the need to confront transnational drug and security challenges, but offered little more than a promise of $30 million in aid for Caribbean nations. He will press for Senate ratification of an inter-American arms treaty that promises symbolic relief. Finally, a voluntary energy-climate partnership agreement will serve as a conceptual framework for future green actions in the Americas.
When it came time to sign the summit's declaration, however, Venezuela and other nations balked because it failed to demand an end to U.S. trade sanctions against Cuba or Cuba's inclusion in hemispheric institutions.
The New Good Neighbor Policy
Often fascinated with things Rooseveltian, President Obama appeared to be rekindling FDR's Good Neighbor Policy:
I pledge to you that we seek an equal partnership. There is no senior partner and junior partner in our relations; there is simply engagement based on mutual respect and common interests and shared values. So I'm here to launch a new chapter of engagement that will be sustained throughout my administration.
In the post-summit press event, President Obama promised to break free "from the stale debates and old ideologies." He noted that while the U.S. is governed by universal values, the U.S. sometimes falters." Yet, when the President had a chance to deliver a strong message on democracy and human rights, he gave lukewarm one.
For the moment the U.S. seeks friendship with all, regardless of political coloration or economic persuasion. And, as it did during FDR's Good Neighbor Policy, the U.S may enter a new period of non-interventionism in the Americas--learning to live in relative harmony with the contemporary equivalents of nationalists, corporatists, and tyrants of the 1930s.
Mesmerized by Cuba
The Administration largely kept Cuba off the immediate agenda, despite a reported offer by Cuba's Raul Castro to open talks. On April 16, speaking before the Latin American left clique of Chávez and company, Raul said, "We are willing to discuss everything," but then he inserted all sorts of caveats. President Obama tried to lower expectations of rapid change, noting, "I am not interested in talking for the sake of talking. But I do believe that we can move U.S.-Cuban relations in a new direction." The President will face renewed domestic pressure to start direct talks with the Cubans, end the ban on general U.S. travel, and throttle back business and commercial restrictions.
Bolivarian Arm Twisting
Venezuela's populist strongman Hugo Chávez pursued the paparazzi approach to the event but generally controlled his oversized enthusiasm. He gained a photo-op: all handshakes and smiles. During a general meeting, he thrust a popular pro-left history of exploitation and repression in the Americas into the President's open hands.
Later, President Obama claimed the encounters were no big deal, that U.S. security interests had not been compromised, and that better relations with Venezuela might be advantageous. In his press conference, he registered concerns about Venezuela's foreign policy and economic policy but failed to mention a mounting assault on Chávez's political opposition.
Breaking the diplomatic norm of privately requesting host country acceptance of an ambassador-designate before making a public announcement, Chávez announced he will name Roy Chaderton, current Venezuelan ambassador to the OAS, as ambassador to the U.S. Chávez's proposal short-circuits the normal diplomatic process and limits Washington's ability to respond privately on the fitness of a potential ambassador. Chávez also created the expectation that Washington will follow suit with a new ambassador to Caracas. Overall, President Obama has clearly opened the door to renewed relations with Venezuela--without a great deal of preconditions.
The Next Hundred Days and Beyond
The initial impression of the summit is that all nations came away feeling they were winners. There were no riots, no counter-summits as in Mar del Plata during the Fourth Summit attended by President Bush. Contentious issues like free trade, serious governance reforms, or free versus unfree markets were relegated to the background. Overall, the latest iteration of the Summit of the Americas was long on idealism and upbeat rhetoric and short on accomplishments.
The summit marks the end of the Administration's first 100 days in regional diplomacy. Two things have been accomplished:
As it continues to put a Latin American team in place and comes down from the rare air of the summit, the Administration needs to concentrate on four basic challenges
True Reform or Mere Rhetoric?
The Fifth Summit of the America's was characterized by feel-good rhetoric and the resurrection of FDR's Good Neighbor Policy. However, the real impact of the summit--if there is to be one--will not be clear until the Administration addresses these four basic challenges.
Ray Walser, Ph.D., is Senior Policy Analyst for Latin America in the Douglas and Sarah Allison Center for Foreign Policy Studies, a division of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies, at The Heritage Foundation.