The ascendancy of Africa in U.S. foreign policy reflects not
only the continent's growing importance to U.S. national interests
but also President George W. Bush's determination to join
compassion with resources. U.S. accomplishments with its African
partners are undeniably positive and will be a central theme
in the Bush Administration's overall legacy.
The 2008 presidential election offers an opportunity to
reflect on recent U.S. policy and program interventions in Africa.
The next President of the United States will soon decide which
efforts have borne fruit, which programs require modification, and
what new approaches will shape the growing ties between the U.S.
Africa's future is routinely described as a mix of challenges
and opportunities. Many Africa-pessimists focus on the
seemingly unbearable burdens of conflict, disease, hunger,
corruption, and poor economic performance. However, Africa is not
monolithic. Many African countries exhibit unprecedented
economic growth, advancement in good governance, and substantial
investment in basic human development, such as education and
health. Overall, the continent is moving decidedly toward
multiparty democracy, with almost two-thirds of sub-Saharan African
countries now governed through democratic elections.
Liberia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Angola, Burundi, Uganda,
Sierra Leone, and Sudan have made significant progress toward peace
and stability, offering millions of Africans new opportunities
to build their economies and address fundamental development and
While Africa shows many hopeful and tangible signs of progress,
the next U.S. President will need to help it address many concerns.
Zimbabwe stands out as a black mark on the continent's scorecard,
even as democratic forces move closer to wresting power away from
the authoritarian Mugabe regime. Darfur persists as an
international failure of conscience, and Sudan's north-south
Comprehensive Peace Agreement is moving into rocky waters with the
national census scheduled for April 2008 and national elections in
Average life expectancy in Africa has fallen over the past 20
years--dramatically in many places-- because of the rapid and
ongoing spread of HIV/AIDS. In addition, malaria kills more than 1
million Africans each year, even though it is treatable and
International support can play an important role in narrowing
the gap between underdeveloped Africa and an increasingly
prosperous world. This summer's G-8 meeting in Japan emphasized
that the high standard for development resources set by President
Bush is compelling other donors to rise to the challenge. As
President Bush said,
At recent Summits, G-8 countries have made pledges to help
developing nations address challenges, from health care to
education, to corruption. Now we need to show the world that the
G-8 can be accountable for its promises and deliver results.
The U.S. reauthorized the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS
Relief (PEPFAR) at a cost of $48 billion, leading G-8
countries to increase their contributions from $30 billion to
at least $60 billion in HIV/AIDS funding over the next five years.
Similarly, G-8 leaders agreed to match the targets set for the
President's Malaria Initiative.
If resource commitment alone could determine the success of
Africa's development agenda, the United States would be a long way
toward boosting the world's poorest continent. In President Bush's
first term, development assistance to Africa more than doubled. The
President's pledge to double total bilateral and multilateral
assistance again to $8.7 billion by 2010 is on track--an expansion
on an unprecedented scale.
Yet the amount of aid provided is not a key determinant for
development. Sound policy and the rule of law in developing
countries are far more important. The next U.S. President
needs to ensure that resources are used strategically and leveraged
to promote sound economic policy, good governance, and the
rule of law. The Bush legacy on Africa is secure, and it is
incumbent upon the next White House to apply the lessons learned
during the past eight years of unprecedented U.S.-Africa
U.S. Engagement with Africa
U.S. relations with the countries of Africa have evolved
significantly over the past decade and are now as robust and
multifaceted as with any region in the world. While the next
President must develop a comprehensive strategy for U.S.-Africa
cooperation, this can only be achieved through a balanced sector
approach that relies on overarching U.S. national security,
economic, and humanitarian interests.
HIV/AIDS. The U.S. leads the world in its
partnership with African nations to fight HIV/AIDS. Broadly
understood as the largest international health initiative in
history to fight a single disease, PEPFAR has fundamentally
reshaped the war on the HIV/AIDS pandemic.
As of 2007, Africa accounted for 67 percent of all HIV
infections and 75 percent of AIDS deaths. Prevalence rates are hovering
around 25 percent of the adult population in a number of
sub-Saharan countries. The pandemic is directly and measurably
affecting rural livelihoods and workforce productivity.
African militaries have long had prevalence rates dramatically
higher than the general population, which threatens national
security structures and international peacekeeping capacity. The
fight against HIV/AIDS is therefore a fundamental part of the
overall economic, human development, and stability effort in
Few observers could have imagined the impact that PEPFAR would
have on the psychology of those affected. "When the President
launched the initiative in 2003, about 50,000 people in all of
sub-Saharan Africa were receiving anti-retroviral treatment." HIV
was a death sentence, and the lack of access to treatment greatly
discouraged testing and counseling--a key component of disease
PEPFAR is on track to reach its goal of providing
anti-retroviral treatment to 2 million sub-Saharan Africans by the
end of the year. This has fundamentally changed
perceptions about living with the disease. With expanded treatment
availability, many people are tested for HIV who otherwise would
not have bothered. Greater awareness by individuals of their HIV
status supports prevention goals.
Although early and continual criticism focused on PEPFAR's
perceived overemphasis on promoting sexual abstinence, a broad
consensus holds that preventing new HIV infections is the key to
reversing the epidemic. The 2008 UNAIDS Report highlights that
"to maintain a robust prevention response, countries need to
maintain a 'prevention movement,' build the human and technical
capacity that will be needed to sustain prevention efforts, and
work to stimulate greater demand for prevention services." The
report also notes that "in every country where HIV infection rates
have sharply fallen, community mobilization for HIV prevention has
been a critical element of success." PEPFAR's emphasis on
abstinence outside of marriage and fidelity within marriage should
continue to be central themes in HIV/AIDS prevention.
PEPFAR's often maligned narrow focus on delivering
measurable results in treatment, prevention, and care has shown
that focused assistance can produce tangible results. PEPFAR
also requires that a majority of funds go directly to programs in
the target countries, rather than through multilateral
programs. This direct aid ensures that assistance is provided
efficiently and effectively in accordance with the law's strategic
purposes. As PEPFAR has advanced its mission and worked alongside
broader international efforts, it has become increasingly clear
that new gains will require concerted efforts to address Africa's
beleaguered health care systems. The trend is clearly toward better
integrated donor support for country-owned strategies.
Critics and allies alike praise President Bush's leadership in
the fight against HIV/AIDS in Africa. Congress appropriately
authorized PEPFAR for another five years. The next President needs
to build on this bipartisan support to move PEPFAR, as Speaker of
the House Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) has said, "from the emergency phase
to the sustainability phase." The key challenge will be
to ensure that PEPFAR does not stray from the focus and
strategies than have made it successful.
Malaria. Malaria is still fatal to over 1 million
Africans every year. Even though malaria is preventable and
treatable, Africans are dying at a rate of one every 30 seconds,
and most are infants and children under 5 years of age. In
2005, President Bush committed $1.2 billion over five years to the
President's Malaria Initiative (PMI) to reduce malaria deaths
by 50 percent in 15 target African countries. By 2007, the second
year of implementation, as many as 25 million Africans had
benefited from PMI interventions.
The PMI, although much smaller than PEPFAR in terms of
resources, again demonstrates the impact of U.S. global leadership.
Through coalition building and leveraging of resources, the PMI has
compelled international action to dramatically reduce the impact of
malaria in Africa. The PMI works closely with the World Bank
Malaria Booster Program, the Roll Back Malaria Partnership, UNICEF,
the World Health Organization Global Malaria Program, and the
Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria.
Like PEPFAR, the PMI has also provided an essential vehicle to
rally faith-based organizations and the private sector. The next
President needs to continue building support for the fight against
malaria by providing new funding and by leading a coordinated
global response. Because of President Bush's efforts, the next
President will be uniquely positioned to deal a severe blow to one
of Africa's greatest enemies.
Democracy Promotion and the Millennium Challenge Account.
The spread of democracy-inspired governance systems across Africa
constitutes a continent-wide revolution over the past 15
years. However, in some countries, below the surface of
election-day voting, the democratic process suffers a litany of
insults from outright vote rigging and vote buying to severely
uneven playing fields. A number of African countries, such as
Kenya, are clearly backsliding from democratic governance, and
anachronistic authoritarian regimes such as the Mugabe regime in
Zimbabwe find it disturbingly easy to hold on to power.
The spread of democratic governance has been a primary focus of
the Bush Administration's foreign policy. As the Bureau for
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor in the U.S. Department of State
Supporting democracy not only promotes such fundamental American
values as religious freedom and worker rights, but also helps
create a more secure, stable, and prosperous global arena in
which the United States can advance its national interests. In
addition, democracy is the one national interest that helps to
secure all the others.
The U.S. budget aimed at "governing justly and democratically"
in Africa is robust, and the U.S. continues to emphasize:
(1) free and fair electoral processes, with a level playing
field to ensure genuine competition; (2) good governance, with
representative, transparent, and accountable institutions
operating under the rule of law, including independent legislatures
and judiciaries; and (3) robust civil societies,
including human rights and democracy defenders, independent
media, and labor unions.
In addition, the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA), established
in January 2004, brought a dynamic new focus to U.S. democracy
promotion. The MCA emphasizes delivering foreign assistance based
on a country's commitment to ruling justly, embracing open economic
systems, and investing in the health and education of its people.
The "country compact" concept focused on identifying individual
countries that display a measurable track record of democratic
values and investing in them according to the country's own
development priorities. The MCA also initiated a "threshold"
program for countries that aspire to full MCA eligibility.
The MCA eligibility criteria and its threshold program put
significant resources on the table both to strengthen African
countries that already pursue good governance and to provide
incentives to countries on the edge of significant democratic
reform. Equally beneficial, selection as an MCA-eligible country
provides additional credibility for countries as they seek to
attract foreign direct investment and to participate in global
financial markets. To date, the Millennium Challenge Corporation
(MCC) has signed compacts with seven African countries for a total
of $2.4 billion. Both Senator Barack Obama (D-IL) and
Senator John McCain (R-AZ) have expressed support for continuing
As the next President examines U.S. engagement with Africa,
democracy promotion should remain a central theme. Democracy
building should not be confused with or exchanged for the more
generic notions of "good governance." Many of Africa's more
effective and economically reform-minded leaders, from President
Yoweri Museveni in Uganda to President Paul Kagame in Rwanda, have
demonstrated autocratic tendencies. Nigeria and Ethiopia,
Africa's most populous countries, fall short of democratic
Military coups, although occurring with less frequency,
remain a part of the African landscape, as proven in Mauritania in
August 2008. Democracy building in Africa will loom large during
the next four years with Thabo Mbeki resigning from office in South
Africa, south Sudan preparing for an election and then a
referendum, Zimbabwe hopefully ending its dictatorship, Kenya
wrestling with power sharing, and post-conflict Liberia undertaking
its second democratic election.
Peace and Security Cooperation. Over the past eight
years, most of Africa's long-running and tragically costly
violent conflicts have dramatically receded, giving way to peace
and stability. Bush Administration diplomacy, development, and
military training have contributed significantly to these
gains. In Angola, Burundi, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Southern Sudan,
and Uganda, large swaths of territory once ravaged by violent
conflict are now at peace, enabling the spread of democracy and
U.S. diplomatic leadership in ending the 22-year-old north-south
conflict in Sudan is often overshadowed by ongoing violence in
Sudan's western Darfur region. The north-south civil war
killed more than 2 million people and displaced an additional
4 million. Ending the war was a major international
achievement that was largely inspired through U.S.-led initiatives.
However, Sudan is a tinderbox, and the national elections in 2009
could reignite conflict on a scale not yet seen. These
initiatives, in conjunction with ending the conflict in
Darfur, should continue to be a cornerstone of U.S. Africa security
policy and receive personal attention from the next U.S. commander
Liberia emerged from its long and violent struggles to
elect Ellen Johnson Sirleaf as president, making her Africa's
first female president. Beginning with the removal of Charles
Taylor from power, the U.S. has played a pivotal role in Liberia's
conflict resolution and reconstruction. U.S. disarmament,
demobilization, and reintegration efforts have worked alongside the
U.N. peacekeeping presence to secure the country. The U.S. has also
led efforts to rebuild and restructure the Liberian armed forces.
As Liberia moves to redevelop its economy, the next Administration
needs to maintain the country as a primary focus and to center its
attention on economic growth and job creation to help Liberia
win the peace.
To be effective in Africa, U.S. military and intelligence
efforts to deny terrorists safe havens, operational bases, and
recruitment opportunities must remain integrated with development
and diplomacy. The East Africa Regional Security Initiative
helped the U.S. respond to ongoing instability stemming from
the 2006 defeat of the Council of Islamic Courts in Mogadishu,
Somalia. Alleged U.S. backing of Ethiopian and Transitional
Federal Government forces did not create stability, and the
subsequent insurgency has made Mogadishu and parts of south central
Somalia a permissive operating environment for Somali and
The Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP) also
provides a foundation for continued cooperation in countries where
radical Islam threatens both U.S. and African interests. TSCTP
provides assistance to Chad, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, and
Senegal and has helped them act against al-Qaeda
affiliated terrorist groups in the region, both individually
Clearer goals and better delineated interagency responsibilities
would increase TSCTP's effectiveness. A July 2008 Government
Accountability Office report calls upon "the Secretary of State
[to] work through the Director of Foreign Assistance…to
develop a comprehensive strategy for the Trans-Sahara
Counterterrorism Partnership in conjunction with the
Secretaries of Defense and the Treasury, the U.S. Attorney General,
and the heads of any other partner agencies."
The Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance
(ACOTA) program, a part of the Global Peace Operations Initiative
(GPOI), is essential to increasing Africa's ability to contribute
to the continental peace and stability. Since 2005, the U.S.
has trained 39,000 African peacekeepers in 20 countries, which
accounts for approximately 80 percent of the African peacekeepers
deployed on African Union (AU) and U.N. missions. Continued
training of African peacekeepers will also substantially
support the AU's proposed African Standby Force.
AFRICOM. The new U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) is an
important step in the evolution of U.S.-Africa relations and should
be strongly supported in its limited intended role. However,
the new combatant command has been poorly explained to African
partners, poorly coordinated with the U.S. interagency community,
and poorly articulated in terms of its security and non-security
functions. Yet these mistakes have not doomed AFRICOM to failure.
AFRICOM is a major step forward for U.S.-Africa cooperation and
will pay dividends for years to come, if it is implemented
While the logic of consolidating one region under one command
(AFRICOM) rather than leaving it divided among three separate
commands is self-evident, substantive issues of security
cooperation make AFRICOM absolutely essential.
International peacekeeping requirements, counterterrorism
partnerships, energy security cooperation, and humanitarian
emergencies necessitated AFRICOM's creation. Increased U.S.
national interests in Africa and the concomitant increase in U.S.
security cooperation with African countries guarantees that
the continent can no longer simmer on a back burner at the
Department of Defense. While U.S. Armed Forces traditionally focus
on their chief mission of fighting and winning wars, U.S. defense
strategy is evolving to address conflict prevention through
enhanced regional security cooperation with and capacity building
of partners and allies.
The next Administration will need to sort through necessary
details, such as the locations of AFRICOM's permanent headquarters
and sub-regional offices, adequate staff recruitment,
status-of-forces agreements, and Article 98 agreements. AFRICOM
will help the U.S. to build on its already significant training
programs, such as ACOTA, and enable new collaborations on issues
such as the African Standby Force.
Military-to-military partnerships beyond peacekeeping will
also benefit under AFRICOM, including counternarcotics
programs in West Africa, military professionalization through
International Military Education and Training, efforts such as the
Combined Joint Task Force--Horn of Africa, and the strategic use of
Foreign Military Funding and sales. AFRICOM can also address the
rise of piracy off the coast of Somalia and enhance maritime
partnerships to secure Africa's coastline.
Trade and the African Growth and Opportunity Act.
The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), which extends
duty-free U.S. market access to about 98 percent of exports from 40
qualified sub-Saharan African countries, remains a
cornerstone of U.S. trade and investment policy toward
Africa. As a tool in the larger U.S. effort to
promote open markets, stimulate economic growth, and
facilitate sub-Saharan Africa's integration into the global
economy, AGOA remains popular with African partners and enjoys
strong bipartisan support in Washington. However, AGOA has
been only a qualified success.
Despite the Bush Administration's efforts to stimulate
two-way trade through AGOA, including supporting and signing
into law three enhancements of AGOA, qualified African countries
have not taken full advantage of the opportunity. Total two-way
trade between the U.S. and sub-Saharan Africa increased 15 percent
in 2007 to nearly $81.8 billion, but this increase is skewed
by crude oil imports. Non-oil AGOA imports to the U.S. totaled $3.4
billion in 2007, an increase of 7 percent over 2006 levels. In
other words, even with duty-free access to the largest market in
the world, African countries are still not competitive in most
To address the lack of economic growth in non-extractive
industries in Africa, the U.S. has provided significant assistance
in trade capacity building (TCB). Mali and Ghana receive TCB
assistance through the Millennium Challenge Corporation and their
country compacts. Many other countries receive TCB assistance
through the U.S. Agency for International Development's five-year
$200 million President's African Global Competitiveness
Initiative and the four regional trade hubs that it
supports. Disappointingly, the $92.6 million in TCB aid in
fiscal year 2007 facilitated only $23.9 million in AGOA exports to
the U.S. The next Administration will need to
address this unacceptable return on investment.
At the end of the day, it takes two to trade. Most sub-Saharan
African countries simply lack the market development and
business competitiveness to take full advantage of AGOA. The failed
multiyear effort to negotiate a free trade agreement with the
countries of the Southern African Customs Union demonstrates a lack
of political will among African leaders to implement needed
economic and regulatory reforms. Efforts to expand economic
relations through trade and investment framework agreements
and bilateral investment treaties can advance sound policy at a
slower pace and lay the foundation for comprehensive trade
The failing Doha Round is a setback for African countries and
their global competitiveness. While World Bank data clearly show
that Africa's World Trade Organization members would benefit
significantly from a successful global trade agreement, many
African countries have not participated effectively in those
discussions. U.S. technical support for education and
capacity-building programs to assist African countries in better
understanding and navigating multilateral negotiations would
promote increased, meaningful participation.
The May 2007 creation of the Africa Financial Sector Initiative
is an important development that should continue as a policy
priority. Trade and investment dwarf foreign aid's
impact on Africa's economic and social development. Programs aimed
at accelerating the expansion of open markets, creating access
to capital markets, and building Africa's regional and global trade
competitiveness should remain a priority for the next
Agriculture and Food Security. Millions of Africans
are chronically food insecure, a situation that spirals downward
quickly when poor governance and natural disasters add to the
crisis. In most African countries, about two-thirds of the
people depend on agriculture for their sustenance and
livelihoods. Given that the poor live on less than a dollar a
day, the World Bank estimates that GDP growth originating in
agriculture is about four times more effective in raising incomes
of extremely poor people than GDP growth in other sectors.
African agriculture remains caught in a chronic cycle of poor
economic governance, grain marketing board monopolies, corrupt
fertilizer importation regimes, dilapidated rural
infrastructure, nonexistent regional markets, and controversies
over biotechnology. Interventions aimed at improving Africa's
agricultural output and its rural incomes must be systemic,
comprehensive, and scaled up significantly to have any real impact.
African governments need to recognize the important role of
agriculture in moving a country out of the ranks of the least
developed. Even though 75 percent of Africans live in rural
communities, donors and African governments allocate only 4 percent
of expenditures to developing the agricultural sector.
In the hierarchy of U.S.-Africa partnership goals, agricultural
development should be a common thread running through many areas of
cooperation. Agriculture should be a higher priority in U.S.
development efforts, whether MCC country compacts focused on
agriculture, trade promotion under AGOA, market reform technical
assistance, water utilization projects, rural road construction, or
science and technology programs.
Additional U.S. support for the AU's Comprehensive African
Agricultural Development Program may prove a useful vehicle for
this broad-based approach, provided that policy reform is given
sufficient attention. In addition, Doha Round talks need to
reduce farm subsidies in both developed and developing countries,
increase agricultural market access for all, and reduce tariff and
non-tariff trade barriers.
Education. In 2002, the U.S. launched the Africa
Education Initiative (AEI) to increase access to quality basic
education. The $600 million, eight-year program anticipates
distributing more than 15 million textbooks, training nearly 1
million teachers, and providing 550,000 scholarships to girls
Supported by AEI, Africa's primary school enrollment rates
skyrocketed to 96 percent in 2004. For some time,
policymakers have debated the merits of targeting assistance
exclusively at primary education, at the expense of programs
that support secondary and higher education. A growing
consensus believes that economic growth and global market
competitiveness rely not only on primary education successes but
also on secondary education, attention to the
education-employment link, and higher education.
Educational support is a key aspect of ongoing U.S.-Africa
engagement. In addition to the obvious and important contributions
to a country's future economic prospects, education contributes
directly to family health and counters radical social
influences that prey on the uneducated or use the promise
of education as a recruiting tool.
U.S. education support offers an extremely cost-effective
development intervention, and the next Administration should
further explore private-sector models to expand educational
services and make them more efficient. Education programs should
also be well integrated into U.S. public diplomacy outreach to
reinforce positive images of democracy, American values, and the
generosity of the American people.
Building on Strong U.S.-Africa
To build on the accomplishments of President Bush's Africa
policy, the next President and Congress should:
- Maintain PEPFAR's focus on HIV/AIDS prevention. The
President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief is widely acclaimed as a
huge success. The program has given new hope to those battling
the disease and to those living with the disease. PEPFAR needs to
maintain its strategic focus on HIV/AIDS prevention, treatment, and
care, rather than move toward a diffuse set of general development
goals. The program's successful integration of faith-based and
community organizations should remain a programming priority.
To improve overall sustainability and create more indirect benefits
to general health development, the U.S. should expand efforts
to strengthen health care systems, which directly affect HIV/AIDS
prevention, care, and treatment.
- Continue to fund the President's Malaria
Initiative. The PMI is making important progress in
combating malaria, which still kills an African child every 30
seconds. The program is young and results will be more measurable
as programs expand. The United States should continue to fund the
PMI as a priority and to leverage U.S. resources to secure greater
support from other donors and through public-private
- Support the Millennium Challenge Account.
Democracy-building programs and the Millennium Challenge
Account mutually reinforce countries working to strengthen good
governance, open economies, and investment in their people.
Too many African countries maintain only a thin veneer of
democracy, while others are outright backsliding. U.S. assistance
should renew its focus on deepening and widening multiparty
democracy. Democracy is at the center of all U.S. goals in Africa
and should be a policy and program priority. The MCA reinforces
U.S. partnerships with like-minded countries, encourages
reform, and should remain a well-funded component of U.S.
- Strengthen U.S. counterterrorism and peacekeeping
training operations in Africa. Peace and security cooperation
have played a key role in shaping U.S.-Africa relations over the
past eight years. U.S. leadership was essential in ending most
of Africa's protracted violent conflicts, notably in Southern Sudan
and Liberia. Counterterrorism coordination has resulted in
shared intelligence and direct action against U.S. enemies,
but the overall impact was less than it could have been. Training
of peacekeepers under ACOTA has contributed significantly to
African and international missions. Violent conflict in Africa
undermines all U.S. strategic objectives; therefore, the U.S. must
remain vigilant and provide important leadership to prevent
and resolve conflict. Sudan and Liberia should continue as policy
and funding priorities. Counterterrorism efforts must fully
integrate and coordinate defense, diplomacy, and development to
achieve maximum results. Peacekeeper training under ACOTA should
continue to contribute to Africa's enhanced capacity to intervene
appropriately through peacekeeping missions.
- Fully fund the Africa Command. AFRICOM is an important
step forward in U.S.-Africa relations. Although poorly "rolled
out," diligent efforts to explain the command's objectives would
substantially reduce criticism. AFRICOM leadership, together with
State Department and Agency for International Development, must
affirm the need for balance between diplomacy, development, and
defense and clearly emphasize that AFRICOM in not a
militarization of U.S. foreign aid. AFRICOM's role as capacity
builder in partnership with African militaries and the proposed AU
African Standby Force should be highlighted.
- Advance free trade with Africa. African countries
simply have not or cannot exploit trade opportunities available
through the African Growth and Opportunity Act. Africa's global
competitiveness in non-extractive industry sectors is very weak.
The U.S. should place more emphasis on developing Africa's regional
markets through economic liberalization. African entrepreneurs
need help accessing capital and attracting joint venture partners
that bring necessary technical skills and experience. African
economies need to focus more on sectors in which they have real
comparative advantages, and economies that depend on natural
resource extraction need to diversify. The Administration should
move forward with signing free trade agreements with those
African countries that qualify.
- Support global elimination of agricultural
subsidies. Agricultural economic growth will benefit
the 70 percent of Africans still living off the land. Millions of
Africans remain chronically food insecure. Agricultural growth
should be at the heart of the next Administration's assistance to
Africa, and African countries need to reform their policies and
deploy resources to the sector. Trade liberalization should include
elimination of farm subsidies.
President Bush's emphasis on Africa will remain a positive
aspect of his Administration. The next Administration should build
on that legacy with programs and policies that support positive
African initiatives and focus on strategic U.S. priorities. The era
of paternalistic big-brother relationships with Africa should be
left behind, replaced by an era of increasing cooperation around
shared interests from HIV/AIDS to counterterrorism.
Thomas M. Woods is Senior Associate
Fellow in African Affairs in the Margaret Thatcher Center for
Freedom, a division of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis
Institute for International Studies, at The Heritage
White House, "Fact Sheet: Development and Africa."
Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS,
2008 Report on the Global AIDS Epidemic.
Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS,
2008 Report on the Global AIDS Epidemic, p. 96.
Finkel, "Malaria," p. 32.
The White House, "Africa."
The White House, "Africa."
TSCTP also provided assistance to Mauritania
before the August 2008 coup.
The White House, "Africa."
19 U.S. Code §§ 3701-3741.
The White House, "Africa."
The White House, "Africa."