When the economy is struggling, Congress has a tendency to
invoke the same tried and failed policies of the past. Typically,
these policies promise hundreds of billions of dollars in
government spending while doing little to actually revitalize
economic activity. The first round of stimulus checks, like those
rebates issued in the 1970s and 2001, were a bust, with only a
small portion (perhaps less than 30 cents on every rebate dollar)
used for consumption. Furthermore, prior government spending on
infrastructure such as highways merely transferred -- rather than
created -- wealth.
During the current period of slow economic growth, Congress
should do what it does best: set broad economic policy.
Specifically, Congress should concentrate on signaling to investors
and workers alike that its principal focus will be on improving
pro-growth economic policy, mainly in the areas of tax, energy, and
spending policies. The test for distinguishing good stimulus ideas
from bad ones should be this: Is the proposal likely to raise the
economy to a sustained, higher level of growth?
Tax Policy
What can increase risk for investors and businesses? Many
factors, of course, but public policy commonly looms largest. For
example, tax increases, especially on capital, increase the cost of
capital and lower investment returns. When investors are uncertain
about whether taxes will increase or stay the same, they can still
act as though taxes have risen if they judge the risk of an
increase to be nearly equal to an actual increase. And rising
uncertainty can have the effect of driving down investments in
riskier undertakings. Congress can take the following actions on
tax policy:
- Make the Tax Reductions of 2001 and 2003 Permanent.
Among the first actions Congress can take to address the current
economic slowdown is to make a definitive statement regarding the
tax increases scheduled for 2009 and 2011. There are projects, new
businesses, and expansions of existing businesses that would be
undertaken today if Congress signaled that taxes would be lower in
three years. Since nearly all major capital undertakings last
beyond this three-year period, it is likely that making all or most
of the Bush tax reductions permanent would stimulate economic
activity today as well as in 2011. If Congress increases taxes,
then investors will find more favorable economies to support and
business owners will, as much as they can, locate their expanded
activities in other countries with more favorable tax regimes.
- Accelerate Tax Depreciation. Past economic slumps have
proven that accelerating the tax depreciation of capital equipment
and buildings or the one-year expensing of business purchases that
would otherwise be depreciated over a longer period of time for tax
purposes can help during periods of slow growth.[1]
- Lower the Corporate Profits Tax. In one area of tax
policy, there is now nearly universal agreement: Our federal
business taxes are far too high. The U.S. tax rate on corporate
profits is the second highest in the world. Why is it not the firm
policy of this country's government to ensure that the corporate
profits tax is always below the average corporate income tax of
other industrialized countries? Such a policy would enhance our
competitive standing worldwide and significantly reduce the
incentive for U.S. firms to relocate to lower tax countries.
By making the 2001 and 2003 tax reductions permanent and
reducing the corporate profits tax by 1,000 basis points, an annual
average of 2.1 million more jobs would be created. Indeed, 3.4
million jobs above a current law baseline would be created in 2018
by newly energetic businesses. These tax changes dramatically
increase the level of national output, and household income rises
as the result of a healthier economy and lower taxes. In fact, the
average household would have $5,138 more to spend or save after
paying their taxes, and by 2018 this amount would jump to $9,750.[2]
Energy Policy
Rapidly increasing prices for gasoline and petroleum-based
energy slowed the economy and helped bring about our current
recession. Additionally, the effects of such increased energy
prices continue to impede job and income growth. If Congress acts
to expand energy supplies, forward-looking prices will fall and
economic activity will shed off the drag stemming from this
sector.
The Heritage Foundation's Center for Data Analysis analyzed the
economic effects if domestically sourced petroleum increased by 2
million barrels per day, and it found that such an increase would
expand the nation's output -- as measured by the Gross Domestic
Product -- by $164 billion and increase employment by 270,000 jobs
annually.
If Congress were to announce greater access to proven reserves,
mining activity would immediately begin, capital and talent would
leave other parts of the world and travel to the U.S.,
forward-pricing markets would feel the downward pressure on prices
as the result of impending supply increases, and ordinary
Americans' concerns over their economic future would lessen.
Spending Policy
While the attention of most policymakers will be on immediate
responses to the current slowdown, the seeming unwillingness of
Congress to seriously address the enormous financial challenges
from entitlement spending should not go unnoticed. Many investors
and organizations that play key roles in the future of the U.S.
economy are worried about long-term growth given the fiscal
challenges posed by Social Security's and Medicare's unfunded
liabilities.
At a time when the economy is slowing and the voice of Congress,
as well as its actions, can affect economic activity, policymakers
should take concrete steps that will announce their intention to
address unfunded liabilities in these important programs. While
reforms in these programs may be beyond what this Congress can
accomplish, it is possible to signal change by reforming the budget
rules.
Currently, the federal budget functions on a pay-as-you-go
system, with a very limited forecast of obligations and supporting
revenues. It is impossible for the official budget to predict what
may happen over the next 30 years; the five- and 10-year budget
windows do not permit Members of Congress or the general public to
sense the obligations that are coming beyond that 10-year horizon.
However, Congress can take two important steps in addressing the
long-term entitlement obligations of the U.S.:
- Show These Obligations in the Annual Budget. This could
be done by amending the budget process rules to include a
present-value measure of long-term entitlements. Such a measure
would express in the annual budget the current dollar amount needed
today to fund future obligations. Such a measure has been endorsed
by a number of accounting professionals, as well as the Federal
Accounting Standards Advisory Board.
- Convert Retirement Entitlements into 30-year Budgeted
Discretionary Programs. Such a move recognizes that mandatory
retirement funding programs for millionaires that crowd out
discretionary spending programs for homeless war veterans do not
make any sense at all. If we are to contain entitlement spending
and reform the programs driving those outlays, then a paradigm
shift will likely be required. Recognizing Social Security and
Medicare as discretionary programs helps to force attention on
changes that will assure their survival well into the 21st
century.[3]
Greater Predictability, Greater
Productivity
Serious work by the Congress on tax, energy, and spending policy
will create greater predictability for investors and business
owners and assure workers that they will have a better chance of
improving their wages through increased productivity. Efforts to
enhance this nation's long-term economic health may very well have
immediate, short-run benefits as economic decision makers reduce
the risk premium they place on starting new businesses or expanding
existing enterprises.
William W. Beach is
Director of the Center for Data Analysis at The Heritage
Foundation.
[1]
Matthew Knittel, "Corporate Response to Accelerated Tax
Depreciation: Bonus Depreciation for Tax Years 2002-2004," U.S.
Department of the Treasury, Office of Tax Analysis, Working Paper
No. 98, May 2007.
[2]
After subtracting inflation.