President George W. Bush's
June 21 Vienna summit with EU officials takes place amid mounting tension between
Washington and Brussels over the U.S. detention facility at
Guantanamo Bay, as well as the growing controversy in Europe over
the 'rendition' of terror suspects, and will further illustrate the
deep divisions between Washington and Brussels over the war on
terrorism. The meeting will likely underscore the widening gulf
between the United States and supranational institutions such as
the European Union and the Council of Europe in their approach to
dealing with the al-Qaeda threat.
The ongoing war in Iraq
and the looming Iranian nuclear crisis will also feature on the
agenda in Vienna. President Bush should call for greater European
support for Coalition efforts to assist Iraq's new government in
the wake of the successful termination of al-Qaeda leader Abu Musab
al-Zarqawi. The President should urge the new administration in
Italy to reverse its decision to withdraw its 2,900 troops from
Iraq later this year and encourage other European powers to do more
to assist in international efforts to defeat the insurgency and
establish a stable, long-term democracy for the Iraqi people.
While the United States
has agreed to join the European Union in entering into negotiations
with Tehran over the Iranian nuclear program, Washington must push
for the EU-3 (France, Germany, and Britain) to agree to support a
tough range of measures against Iran if, as is highly likely,
Tehran refuses to halt the enrichment of uranium. These measures
should include a strict sanctions regime, interdiction to halt the
export or import of sensitive technology or materials, an
investment freeze, support for democratic movements inside Iran,
and the possible use of military force as a last resort. The
tortuous EU-3 negotiations with Tehran, which have already lasted
two years, have thus far been all carrot and no stick.
Tensions Over the War on Terrorism
The United States faces
growing opposition in Brussels to its policies on the rendition
and detention of terror suspects, as well as increasingly hostile
public opinion toward U.S. foreign policy among European publics.
In the latest Financial Times/Harris poll of opinion in five
of the EU's largest member states - Britain, France, Germany,
Spain, and Italy - 36 percent of those surveyed described the
United States as "the greatest threat to global security." In
contrast, just 30 percent of respondents cited Iran as the world's
greatest threat.
These figures pose a major challenge for U.S. public diplomacy and
American efforts to sell the war on terrorism in Europe, as well as
more aggressive measures to halt the Iranian nuclear program.
The U.S./EU summit takes
place against the backdrop of a controversial report released in
May by the Council of Europe
(which oversees the European Court of Human Rights), which alleges
that 14 European countries 'colluded' with the CIA in the rendition
of terror suspects, including several EU member states.
The Council also accused, with wafer-thin evidence, Poland and
Romania of harboring secret CIA prisons. The report, which
contained barely any new information, sparked a political storm in
Europe, significantly heightening transatlantic tensions. The
European Parliament is also investigating the rendition issue and
has launched a 46-member inquiry into "the alleged illegal transfer
of detainees and the suspected existence of CIA detention
facilities in the European Union and in candidate countries."
Washington is also
increasingly under fire from European Union officials and
legislators over the U.S. detention facility at Guantanamo Bay. The
EU's External Relations Commissioner, Austria's Benita
Ferrero-Waldner, has called on Guantanamo to be closed down,
and the European Parliament passed a resolution urging the same.
The EU's condemnation of Guantanamo echoes those of the United
Nations Committee Against Torture
and the UN's hugely discredited Commission on Human Rights, which
condemned the Guantanamo facility without even inspecting it.
The
Monstrous CAP
Trade liberalization is
also likely to be a major issue of contention between Washington
and Brussels at the Vienna summit. The EU is strongly resisting
U.S. demands for huge cuts in trade-distorting agricultural
subsidies, placing in jeopardy the prospect of a revival in the
Doha round of trade talks. It looks increasingly unlikely that an
agreement will be reached at the World Trade Organization by the
end of July as originally hoped.
The U.S./EU meeting will
be a valuable opportunity for the United States to call for the
scrapping of Europe's Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), the
greatest barrier to free trade in the world, and an end to the
protectionist 'fortress Europe' mentality in Brussels that is
acting as a major brake on economic development in impoverished
countries in Africa and Asia.
According to a recently
released report published by the Organization for Economic
Development and Cooperation (OECD), a 50 percent cut in global
trade tariffs and subsidies would add $44 billion to the world
economy.
The World Bank has estimated that a successful conclusion to the
Doha talks could give a $300 billion boost to the world economy
over the next ten years.
The main obstacle to
global trade liberalization is undoubtedly the EU's Common
Agricultural Policy, a vast system of farm subsidies that benefit
many of Europe's richest farmers at the expense of producers in the
developing world, primarily in Africa. It has been described by the
British Ambassador to Poland as "the most stupid, immoral
state-subsidized policy in human history, give or take
communism."
The CAP accounts for a
staggering 40 percent of the EU's €100 billion budget, and
European taxpayers are forced to pay over €80 billion in
subsidies and higher food costs.
The biggest beneficiary has been France, whose farmers receive up
to a quarter of EU agricultural subsidies, amounting to over
€150 billion between 1994 and 2003.
A
Europe of Nation-States
The U.S./EU divide over
the war on terrorism, sharply illustrated by divisions over
rendition and Guantanamo, is likely to grow wider. There exist
irreconcilable differences between Washington and Brussels both
with regard to how to confront the threat of global terrorism and
the nature of the current conflict. Many leading EU bureaucrats
simply do not grasp the magnitude of the al-Qaeda threat. A senior
European Union official recently remarked, "We do not have a war on
terror,"
an extraordinary statement considering that there have been three
major terrorist attacks on European soil- in London, Madrid, and
Istanbul-in the past three years.
However, tensions between the United
States and the European Union and Council of Europe should not weaken Washington's ability to
cooperate effectively with individual European nation-states, many
of which have strongly supported U.S. efforts in the war on
terrorism. Rendition has proved a highly effective tool against
Al-Qaeda and has pulled hundreds of extremely dangerous terror
suspects off the streets. In all probability, many lives, both
American and European, have been saved by this practice.
The United States must continue to pursue
aggressively those who threaten the security of the free world and
should continue to work closely with allies in the fight against
Islamic terrorist groups. Most importantly, the U.S. must resist
the temptation to blunt its most effective weapons in the face of
criticism from the EU, the UN, and other supranational
institutions.
The increasing political centralization of
Europe poses a fundamental threat to U.S. interests. Washington
must back the principle of national sovereignty in Europe,
and President Bush should welcome last year's defeat of the
European Constitution in key EU member states such as France and
Holland as an important democratic rejection by European voters of
the further centralization of power in the continent.
The United States works most effectively when
it cooperates directly with national governments, employing a
'coalition of the willing' strategy. Europe is not and never has
been a united political entity, and U.S. policy must support a
Europe of nation-states. Washington's political capital in Europe
must be spent not in Brussels or Strasbourg, but in the national
capitals, where America's strongest allies are to be
found.
Nile Gardiner,
Ph.D., is Director of the Margaret Thatcher Center
for Freedom, a division of the Kathryn
and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies at The
Heritage Foundation. Peter Cuthbertson and Anthony Kim assisted
with research for this paper.