The U.S. Senate is
scheduled to begin debate as early as June 7, 2006, on the
misleadingly named "Native Hawaiian Government Reorganization Act
of 2005" (S.147).
The proponents of this bill, some motivated by seemingly benign
purposes and others by a desire to benefit from special
preferences, argue that it redresses ancient wrongs done to early
Hawaiians by various powers, including the United States. The bill
purports to authorize the creation of an exclusively race-based
government of "native" Hawaiians to exercise sovereignty over
native Hawaiians living anywhere in the United States. This "Native
Hawaiian Government" could allegedly exempt these Hawaiians from
whatever aspects of the United States Constitution and state
authority it thought undesirable. Not only is this a terrible idea;
it is also unconstitutional.
The United States
Supreme Court ruled decisively that this approach violates the
Constitution in Rice v. Cayetano (2000). Yet the
proponents of S.147 believe they can bypass this ruling simply by
enacting a law that calls the descendants of so-called "aboriginal"
Hawaiians an American Indian tribe. The bill would require the
federal government to create a database of persons with one drop or
more of "aboriginal" Hawaiian blood, organize elections for an
"interim government" of this alleged "tribe," and finally recognize
the sovereignty and privileges and immunities (or lack thereof)
that the new government establishes for its "tribal members."
Although Hawaii correctly argued in the Rice litigation that
descendants of aboriginal Hawaiians are not an American Indian
tribe, state officials have changed their minds-because that is the
only way they can practice racial discrimination on behalf of a
favored interest group. Hopefully, the United States Constitution
is not so easily circumvented.
The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights recently
conducted a public hearing and considered the constitutional and
policy problems with S.147. On May 18, 2006, the commission issued
its report recommending against passage of the bill "or any other
legislation that would discriminate on the basis of race or
national origin and further subdivide the American people into
discrete subgroups accorded varying decrees of privilege." The
commission's report also notes that every single public comment
sent to it opposed the legislation, but for those from Hawaiian
government entities, corporations, and those who are employed by
them.
The approach
embodied in S.147 has three fundamental defects.
First, a Hawaiian
analogy to American Indian tribes does not work. Hawaiians
(regardless of blood purity) are not and cannot be an American
Indian tribe. The term "Indian tribes" mentioned in the
Constitution has a fixed constitutional meaning that cannot be
changed by a simple act of Congress. They are limited to the
preexisting tribes within North America, or their offshoots, that
were thought to be "dependent nations" at the time of the framing
of the Constitution. Such American Indian tribes must have an
independent existence and predominately separate "community" apart
from the rest of American society, and their government structure
must have a continuous history for at least the past
century.
By these
standards, Hawaiians never could qualify as an American Indian
tribe. The fact that they were "aboriginal" people is of no
constitutional significance. That does not make a tribe. As the
Supreme Court correctly noted in Rice, Hawaii was a feudal
kingdom when the first sailors and western missionaries arrived on
the islands and was ruled by a powerful king in a feudal monarchy,
not unlike some in Eastern Europe and the Far East at the time.
America has incorporated voluntarily or by conquest many areas
controlled by other monarchs, republics, or other nation-states.
Monarchies, republics, and other nation-states simply are not
Indian tribes. Even if aboriginal Hawaiians were once organized in
tribal governments, they have had no type of "Native Hawaiian
Government" for over 100 years.
Finally, there is
no independent and separate community of "native" Hawaiian
descendants, as tribal designation requires. Hawaii is the most
integrated and blended society in America and perhaps the world.
There are no "native" Hawaiians living apart from other Americans.
Hawaiians, whether they have pure, part, or no "aboriginal blood,"
all live in the same neighborhoods, go to the same schools and
churches, and participate in the same community life.
Congress simply
cannot create an Indian tribe, as that term is understood in the
Constitution, or "recognize" an Indian tribe that never existed. If
it could somehow do so, there would be no end to racial separatist
"nations" that Congress could carve out of the United States
population and exempt from the United States Constitution. This
cannot be.
Second, no
government organized under the United States Constitution may
create another government that is exempted from part of the
Constitution. Yet, this is what S.147 purports to do by allowing
the "native" Hawaiian government to grant preferences and exempt
itself from portions of the Bill of Rights as it sees fit. The
"Indian law exception" is controversial enough, but it can exist
only because real Indian tribes are not created by Congress or the
states but existed prior to the formation of either. Real Indian
tribes predate the Constitution, even if some of them have split or
reorganized for various reasons. Congress could end the treaties
with existing Indian tribes (leaving the merits of such an action
aside) if it chose to do so, because these "dependent nations" are
still subject to some control. But Congress simply can't create new
governments, new nations, or new tribes on its own, and then exempt
them from portions of the Constitution. If it could, the
restrictions on government in the Bill of Rights and elsewhere
would be of extremely limited value.
Third, the
Fourteenth Amendment does not allow such naked discrimination as
the bill purports to enable. The Fourteenth Amendment was adopted
precisely to prevent a state from excluding certain of its
residents from the privileges and immunities of citizenship,
especially on the basis of race or ethnicity. The Fourteenth
Amendment begins with the proposition that: "All persons born or
naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction
thereof, are citizens of the United States and the State wherein
they reside." The next sentence of the Fourteenth Amendment
prohibits any state from abridging any of the "privileges or
immunities of citizens of the United States." This same section
also prohibits the denial of equal protection to any person within
a state's jurisdiction. Thus, all United States citizens who reside
in Hawaii are equally citizens of Hawaii and are entitled to enjoy
all the privilege and immunities common to other citizens,
including the protection against discriminatory laws-especially
racially-discriminatory laws.
Apart from the
insurmountable constitutional defects with S.147, trying to create
a separate "Native Hawaiian Government," is a terrible idea on
policy grounds. It would be an insult to the independent Indian
nations to have their centuries-old governments trivialized, and
there would also be no end to the number of purely racist
separatist governments that could be formed if Hawaiians were
"made" a tribe. Real Indian tribes were not and are not organized
along "racial" lines.
There are 562
tribes that the Bureau of Indian Affairs recognizes, and no one
thinks that each represents a separate and distinct race. At the
time of the framing, many tribes allowed Europeans and Americans to
join and other members to leave. In short, they were not and are
not "racially" exclusive. If sharing one drop of aboriginal
Hawaiian blood makes a tribe, then Chicanos, Latinos, African
Americans, Mexicans, and indeed members of any ethnicity could
become a tribe if Congress so decrees.
Even if Congress
did no more harm than create a separatist Hawaiian government, that
act would help destroy the wonderful and admirable blended society
that does exist in Hawaii, where intermarriage and the cultural
mixing of Asians, Americans, Europeans, and others is a model for
the rest of the United States. A government based on "aboriginal"
bloodlines would surely damage Hawaii's melting pot
culture.
There are
legitimate ways to preserve ancient Hawaiian culture and to protect
historic trust properties for the benefit all Hawaiians, and all
Americans. For example, Congress could charter a new non-profit
entity to advise the government and educate the public on Hawaiian
culture and history-for the benefit of all Americans who
cherish them. Alternatively, S. 147 could be dramatically altered
to cure its constitutional and policy defects, such as by
forbidding any entity comprised of only one race from exercising
any government powers, receiving any public land or other
government benefits, or exercising any treaty powers. Short of such
radical amendment, we believe Members of Congress and the President
are bound by the oath they took to support the Constitution not to
give effect to measures that violate it.
(S. 147 is unconstitutional for more reasons
than could be explained in a brief paper. Those seeking a broader
and more detailed analysis of the bill's constitutional
shortcomings should read Senator Jon Kyl's June 22, 2005, for the Republican Policy
Committee.)
Edwin
Meese, a former U.S. Attorney
General, is Chairman, and Todd Gaziano is Director, of the Center
for Legal and Judicial Studies at The Heritage
Foundation