More than any
other nation in history, our country and its system of equal
justice and economic freedom beckons not only the downtrodden
and the persecuted-indeed, all those "yearning to breathe free"-but
also those who seek opportunity and a better future for themselves
and their posterity.
The very nature of
the principles upon which the United States is established
encourages immigration and promotes the transformation of those
immigrants into Americans-welcoming newcomers while insisting
that they learn and embrace America's civic culture and political
institutions, thereby forming one nation from many peoples.
The result has been a strengthening of our social capital, a
deepening of our national patriotism, and a continuing
expansion of our general economy. America has been good for
immigrants, and immigrants have been good for America.
Over the past
several decades, though, immigration policy has become
increasingly confused and unfocused. Today, immigration policy is
mostly debated at the extremes, between those who want no
immigrants and those who want no borders, implying that
immigration is an all-or-nothing proposition.
A better approach
is for policymakers to step back from the politics and policies of
the moment and take the time to deliberate and develop a clear,
comprehensive, meaningful, and long-term policy
concerning immigration, naturalization, and citizenship that
is consistent with the core principles, best traditions, and
highest ideals of the United States.
Admittedly, this
is no easy task. The purpose of this paper is to provide a few
guiding principles, suggest some policy considerations, and propose
several first steps for developing such a policy.
Guiding
Principles
As policymakers
begin a new round of discussions about immigration policy
proposals, four general principles ought to guide this discussion
and be used to evaluate and judge any specific proposals.
The Consent of
the Governed. The United States is a sovereign nation. The very
idea of sovereignty implies that each nation has the
responsibility-and obligation-to determine its own conditions
for immigration, naturalization, and citizenship.
Individuals who
are not citizens do not have a right to American citizenship
without the consent of the American people, as expressed through
the laws of the United States. Through those laws, the people of
the United States invite individuals from other countries, under
certain conditions, to join them as residents and as fellow
citizens. Congress has the constitutional responsibility "[t]o
establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization"[1] that sets
the conditions of immigration and citizenship and to ensure the
fairness and integrity of the legal process by which
immigrants enter the country legally and, in many cases, become
American citizens.
Patriotic
Assimilation. The United States has always welcomed immigrants
who come to this country honestly, with their work ethic and
appreciation of freedom, seeking the promises and
opportunities of the American Dream. This is because the founding
principles of this nation imply that an individual of any ethnic
heritage or racial background could become an American.
However, those
same principles also call for- and a successful immigration policy
is only possible by means of-a deliberate and self-confident
policy to assimilate immigrants and educate them about this
country's political principles, history, institutions, and civic
culture. This may be a nation of immigrants, but it is more
accurate to say that this is a nation where immigrants are
Americanized, sharing the benefits, responsibilities, and
attachments of American citizenship. While the larger formative
influence occurs through the social interactions and private
institutions of civil society and through public and
private education, the federal government has a significant
but limited role in ensuring the success of this crucial
process.
National
Security. Every nation has the right, recognized by both
international and domestic law, to secure its borders and ports of
entry and thereby control the goods and persons coming into its
territory. Americans have always been and remain a generous people,
but that does not mitigate the duty imposed on the United
States government to know who is entering, to set the terms
and conditions of entry and exit, and to control that entry and
exit through fair and just means.
This task is all
the more important after the events of September 11, 2001. A
disorganized and chaotic immigration system encourages the
circumvention of immigration laws and is a clear invitation to
those who wish to take advantage of our openness to harm this
nation. Secure borders, especially in a time of terrorist threat,
are crucial to American national security.
The Rule of
Law. Immigration is no exception to the principle that the rule
of law requires the fair, firm, and equitable enforcement of the
law. Failure to enforce immigration laws is unfair to those who
obey the law and go through the regulatory and administrative
requirements to enter the country legally.
Those who enter
and remain in the country illegally are violating the law, and
condoning or encouraging such violations causes a general
disrespect for the law and encourages further illegal conduct.
Forgiving the intentional violation of the law in one context
because it serves policy objectives in another undermines the
rule of law. Amnesty is appropriate only when the law
unintentionally causes great injustice or when particular
cases serve the larger purposes of the law. Those who break
immigration laws should not be rewarded with legal status or other
benefits, and they should be penalized in any road to
citizenship.
Policy
Considerations
The application of
principles in practice is not easy. Principles must be applied in
ways that take account of previous experiences, particular
circumstances, and practical outcomes. Policy decisions
should advance principles as much as possible under prevailing
conditions. In most cases, policymakers are starting not with a
clean slate but with the results of previous policies. They cannot
ignore the practical and political realities in which reform must
occur.
At this time,
Congress is considering several proposals to reform immigration
law. Among these proposals is the creation of a temporary worker
program that would be open to new foreign workers and to
illegal immigrants currently in the United States. Before
implementing this or any other such proposal, policymakers must
address several practical considerations-in addition to referring
back to guiding principles- that raise serious challenges for
immigration reform. We are especially concerned about six policy
considerations.
National and
Homeland Security. Now more than ever, Congress must take steps
to ensure that immigration policy-or the lack of immigration policy
enforcement-does not undermine national security. Among other
things, the new Department of Homeland Security was established to
consolidate the previously fragmented functions of
immigration and border security and to document non-citizens
entering, exiting, and residing in the United States.
A critical element
of any reform proposal must be to secure our national
borders-addressing the issue from the point of origin, in transit,
at the border, and within the United States-and to support ongoing
efforts to strengthen the activities, assets, and programs
necessary to enhance homeland security. America's immigration
system must be a national strength and not a strategic
vulnerability.
Illegal
Immigration. The issue of legal immigration is greatly
exacerbated by the reality of illegal immigration. The major
source of illegal immigration is from illegal border crossings, and
most of these illegal immigrants are from Mexico. The other source
of illegal immigration is from those individuals who stay in the
United States after their non-immigrant visas expire. These are
serious problems that policymakers and law enforcement must
address.
While recognizing
the difficulty and challenge of finding and removing every illegal
immigrant in the United States, Congress and the President must
take credible steps to reduce illegal immigration in both
annual and absolute terms. New reforms should not encourage or
exacerbate the problem of illegal immigration. In considering new
programs, policymakers must recognize that any program that is
vague or unenforceable or that allows temporary visitors or workers
to disappear when their legal status expires could mean a larger
illegal immigrant community-and a larger public policy problem.
The Welfare
State. The United States has a generous welfare, education, and
health system, with generous eligibility. Low-skill and elderly
immigrants may impose costs on government that exceed taxes paid.
The costs of providing welfare assistance to immigrants and
education for the children of immigrants are potential
concerns.
Unlike previous
generations, the perverse incentives of the modern social welfare
system- through policies that discourage self-reliance, family
cohesiveness, and financial independence-invite poor and
low-skill immigrants to enter the ranks of the underclass rather
than encourage them to seek the opportunities heretofore
associated with achieving the American Dream. Although these
troubling incentives in the welfare system are likely to remain for
the foreseeable future, policymakers must ensure that the
interaction of welfare and immigration policy does not expand the
welfare-dependent population, thereby hindering rather than
helping immigrants and potentially imposing large costs on
American society.
Financial
Responsibility. Part of the problem of immigration-and part of
the solution to that problem-has to do with economic incentives.
Getting those incentives right is good for immigrants, good
for employers that wish to hire immigrants legally, and good
for the larger community. Currently, there is an unbalanced
incentive in which an employer of a temporary worker gains the
economic benefits but does not bear the potential costs of
that person's failure to return to his or her home country
(enforcement costs, social services, etc.).
The full potential
cost of a legal worker's becoming an illegal immigrant should
be carried by the employer. For instance, sponsors of immigrants
could be required to demonstrate sufficient financial ability
to support the sponsored immigrants, both to prevent them from
becoming dependent on welfare and to create an incentive for
employers not to hire immigrants who might violate the terms of
their immigration status. An experience-rated bond or insurance
system for employers of temporary workers would encourage them to
uphold the law and to weigh the full costs against the benefits.
Congress should consider whether a market solution that enforces
liability might ease the problem of illegal immigration more
effectively than more regulation of business can.
Enforcement. The federal government has a poor track record
in consistently enforcing national immigration laws. For its part,
Congress has been unwilling to devote the resources necessary
to carry out its own policies. At the same time, recent
Administrations seem to be unsure about when to enforce which laws.
There are employers and others outside the immigrant community that
simply do not want enforcement. The result is a system that is
porous, arbitrary, and unpredictable. This weakens the current
immigration regime and encourages its circumvention.
What immigration
policy needs-as any new program requires-is a clear and determined
strategy to enforce all the rules. Immigration reform in
general and any new program in particular must go hand-in-hand with
a much stronger approach to violations of our immigration laws.
Before proceeding, policymakers must have the political will
to insist on the rule of law.
Burden on State
and Local Governments. Although immigration policy is primarily
a federal responsibility, it is the state and local governments
that mostly deal with the practical implications of that policy. On
the one hand, as the federal government neglects its
obligation to secure America's borders, the states pick up the tab
for illegal immigrants who receive various local services and
impose local costs. This is a financial and practical burden-and an
unfunded mandate-placed on states by a federal government that is
unwilling to enforce its own laws.
On the other hand,
state and local law enforcement needs to play a larger role in
investigating, detaining, and arresting illegal immigrants on civil
and criminal grounds. The primacy of the law ultimately
depends on officers of the law-at every level of government-being
bound to its support and implementation. In considering various
proposals to reform immigration policy, Congress must address
these and other issues of cooperative federalism.
Recommendations
It will take time
and effort to design a comprehensive program of immigration
reform and build the political consensus to support and carry out
that reform. The principles and policy considerations outlined
here-especially those concerning national and homeland
security-must govern this reform.
In the meantime,
there are several initial steps that can and should be taken now to
stabilize immigration policy and begin to reorient it toward its
guiding principles. Specifically, the Administration and
Congress should:
Better regulate
entry and exit. The vast majority of individuals entering the
United States legally are travelers holding nonimmigrant visas
of various lengths. In order to keep visas out of the hands of
terrorists, the Bush Administration and Congress have made their
issuance and monitoring a leading concern.
There has been
much progress in this effort. Nevertheless, many of the deadlines
of the Enhanced Border Security and Visa Entry Reform Act-such as
the implementation of an integrated entry-exit system-have been
missed. These measures and the enforcement of existing visa laws
should be a priority for Congress and the Administration. Because
of the security aspects of the visa process, Congress should
transfer the Office of Visa Services in the State Department to the
Department of Homeland Security.[2]
Strengthen
citizenship. Several things could be done to revive and
strengthen the process by which American principles are inculcated
in those who seek to become U.S. citizens. The Immigration and
Nationality Act (INA) requires that candidates for citizenship
demonstrate both an understanding of the English language and
"a knowledge and understanding of the fundamentals of the history,
and the principles and form of government, of the United
States."
When Congress
formed U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services within the
Department of Homeland Security, it created a new Office of
Citizenship to promote instruction and develop educational
materials on citizenship. These activities ought to be encouraged,
reinforced, and expanded. The test taken by candidates
for citizenship should be strengthened to focus on core history and
civic principles rather than trivia or process. The requirement
that applicants understand the English language must be
enforced, and English language instruction should be strongly
promoted. The oath of citizenship-the contents of which are
described, not specified, in the INA-should be codified in law.[3]
Step up
criminal enforcement. While there are legitimate enforcement
and other concerns about a proactive policy to remove all illegal
immigrants, it makes sense at least to take firm action against
those who engage in serious crime or blatantly ignore deportation
orders.
Interior
immigration enforcement is the responsibility of the U.S. Bureau of
Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Currently,
that program does not have sufficient manpower and resources to
carry out an extensive enforcement program. Until this
situation changes, ICE should direct its efforts to be more
efficient and effective. In addition to various targeted
enforcement efforts, it should focus intensely on finding and
deporting criminal illegal immigrants and those who have fled
after having been ordered to be deported.
Improve local
and state enforcement. In the normal course of criminal
investigations, state and local law enforcement-which is the
practical and preferred level for most law enforcement
policies-should neither ignore immigration law nor hesitate to
cooperate with federal immigration officials as appropriate.
In the case of
counterterrorism, more concerted effort is needed. For now,
adequate authority for state and local enforcement exists in
Section 287(g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act. A pilot
program with the State of Florida could serve as a national model
and ought to be encouraged.[4]
Prevent
document and identity fraud. Document fraud exists
throughout the immigration system and, if left uncorrected, will
continue to be an exposed weakness in our homeland security
system.
Congress should
follow the recommendation of the 9/11 Commission and set nationwide
standards for the issuance of key documents, such as driver's
licenses, that are used to establish identity.[5] These
standards should require proof of citizenship or lawful
presence in the United States as a prerequisite for such
documents. Also, while recognizing legitimate concerns about
creating a national identification card, Congress must ensure that
Social Security cards are less susceptible to fraud.
Encourage
economic freedom abroad. Most individuals and families that
come to the United States legally (and illegally) are seeking
economic opportunity. One way to reduce illegal immigration in the
long run is to promote economic growth in the nations that
these individuals forsake. As long as Mexico's economy does not
provide sufficient opportunities to satisfy the country's
growing population, many of its citizens will have an
incentive to cross our common border illegally in search of
work.
The United States
should encourage Mexico to reform its economy by ending business
monopolies and corrupt practices, allowing foreign investment,
reducing regulation, and improving property rights. These are the
necessary steps for Mexico to build a strong and stable
entrepreneurial, free-market economic system.[6] To this
end, the United States recently initiated the Millennium Challenge
Account, a new form of foreign assistance that encourages economic
growth by focusing on positive results rather than the amount of
money given to individual countries.[7]
Investigate
existing programs. The United States already has several
programs for temporary non-immigrant workers. These
programs allow individuals to stay in the country for various
lengths of time with an employment-based visa for various
occupational purposes.
Although these programs are rather
bureaucratic and cumbersome, one option for Congress to
consider for addressing the demand for temporary workers is
streamlining and adapting existing procedures for granting
non-immigrant work visas. There already exists an unrestricted visa
classification for temporary or seasonal agricultural workers
(H-2A), yet few agricultural employers or farm workers use this
visa mechanism. The experience and feasibility of this option
ought to be investigated before considering an entirely new
program.
Rebuild the
Coast Guard. Although long overlooked, the U.S. Coast Guard's
many missions touch on virtually every aspect of maritime
and border security. However, the Coast Guard's fleet is old,
expensive to operate and maintain, and poorly suited for some
homeland security missions.
As a result,
underfunding of Coast Guard modernization is a significant problem
for the national capacity to enforce immigration laws at sea, in
coastal areas, and at many ports of entry. Congress should
accelerate spending on Coast Guard modernization and make
additional investments in assets that support this essential
aspect of border security.[8]
Conclusion
Immigration will
always be an important issue in the United States, not because the
issue is a perennial problem, but because it is inextricably
connected to the fundamental principles upon which this nation is
founded. Because of that connection, it is imperative that
policymakers take the time to think through and implement
immigration policies that are consistent with these principles, the
necessities of national security, and the great traditions and
compassionate practices of America's ongoing experiment in
ordered liberty.
Edwin Meese
III is a Distinguished Fellow at The Heritage Foundation,
where he holds the Ronald Reagan Chair in Public Policy. Matthew
Spalding is Director of the B. Kenneth Simon Center for
American Studies at The Heritage Foundation.
[1]U.S. Constitution,
Article 1, Section 8, Clause 4.
[2]James Jay Carafano
and Ha Nguyen, "Better Intelligence Sharing for Visa Issuance and
Monitoring: An Imperative for Homeland Security," Heritage
Foundation Backgrounder No. 1699, October 27, 2003, at
www.heritage.org/Research/HomelandDefense/
BG1699.cfm.
[3]Matthew Spalding,
"Strengthen Citizenship in INS Reform," Heritage Foundation
Executive Memorandum No. 809, April 8, 2002, at
www.heritage.org/Research/GovernmentReform/EM809.cfm.
[4]James Jay Carafano,
Ph.D., "No Need for the CLEAR Act: Building Capacity for
Immigration Counterterrorism Investigations," Heritage
Foundation Executive MemorandumNo. 925, April 21, 2004,
atwww.heritage.org/Research/HomelandDefense/
em925.cfm.
[5]National Commission
on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States, The 9/11 Commission
Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist
Attacks Upon the United States (Washington, D.C.: U.S.
Government Printing Office, 2004), at
www.9-11commission.gov/report/911Report.pdf (October 8,
2004).
[6]Stephen Johnson and
Sara J. Fitzgerald, "The United States and Mexico: Partners in
Reform," Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 1715,
December 18, 2003, at
www.heritage.org/Research/LatinAmerica/BG1715.cfm.
[7]James Jay Carafano
and Ha Nguyen, "Homeland Security and Emerging Economies," Heritage
Foundation Backgrounder No. 1795, September 14, 2004, at
www.heritage.org/Research/HomelandDefense/bg1795.cfm. See
also Marc A. Miles, ed., The Road to Prosperity: The 21st
Century Approach to Development (Washington, D.C.: The Heritage
Foundation, 2004).
[8]See James Jay
Carafano, statement before the Committee on Commerce, Science, and
Transportation, U.S. Senate, March 24, 2004, at
www.heritage.org/Research/HomelandDefense/tst032404a.cfm.