The
situation in Sudan's western province of Darfur, currently the
world's worst humanitarian disaster, continues to deteriorate.
Sudan's radical Arab dictatorship, which has been battling a
popular rebellion in Darfur since early 2003, has unleashed Arab
militias to murder, terrorize, and forcibly exile the predominantly
non-Arab ethnic groups of that region. Khartoum's campaign in
Darfur bears many similarities to its ethnic cleansing campaign
against black Africans in southern Sudan. To alleviate the current
crisis in Darfur, the United States should encourage an
international response that reflects the lessons learned in curbing
the regime's previous repression of the south. Unless massive
international pressure is mobilized to threaten what the regime
values most--its ability to maintain itself in power and its vested
economic interests, particularly its fledgling oil industry--then
the Sudanese regime will continue to hinder humanitarian aid
efforts, cover up the atrocities of its militia surrogates, and
crush resistance through the deliberate starvation and expulsion of
non-Arab groups.
Darfur's "Devils
on Horses." The Darfur crisis, like the previous man-made
famine in southern Sudan, was engineered by Sudan's dictatorship to
suppress popular resistance to its radical Islamic agenda. Ever
since seizing power in a 1989 coup, General Omar al-Bashir's regime
has exacerbated tensions with non-Muslims in the south and with
Sufi Muslims, predominant in western Sudan, who resent the forced
imposition of a harsh brand of Islamic law. When Darfur tribes
rebelled in early 2003, the Bashir regime attacked defenseless
villages suspected of supporting the predominantly non-Arab rebels.
Much of the regime's terror campaign has been conducted by brutal
Janjaweed (a colloquialism roughly translated as "devils on
horses") militias that Khartoum implausibly claims are criminal
elements beyond its control. The Janjaweed, who reportedly share
camps with the Sudanese Army, have burned hundreds of villages and
robbed, raped, tortured, and murdered their non-Arab inhabitants.
Although most of their victims are Muslims, the Janjaweed consider
them apostates who deserve death or slavery if they resist the
jihad invoked by the extremist regime. Victims report that the
Janjaweed often shout "abeed" (slaves) before they rape or
kill.
The
United Nations estimates that 1.2 million people have been driven
from their homes and that roughly 2 million people are in dire need
of food aid. Approximately 50,000 people have already died in
Darfur, and the U.S. government estimates that another 1,000 die
every day from attacks, starvation, and disease. Khartoum's
systematic efforts to terrorize and expel non-Arab groups led the
U.S. Congress in July to pass resolutions declaring genocide in
Darfur, and Secretary of State Colin Powell endorsed this
conclusion on September 9.
Foot-Dragging at
the U.N. The U.N. Security Council has been hamstrung by
the pro-Khartoum policies of China, Russia, Pakistan, and Algeria.
China, which has a huge financial stake in Sudan's oil industry and
is a leading importer of Sudan's oil, has used the threat of a veto
to dilute the resolutions on Darfur. UNSCR 1564, passed on
September 18, timidly warned Khartoum that, unless it complies with
demands to stop the killing, the Security Council will "consider
taking additional measures...such as actions to affect Sudan's
petroleum sector and the Government of Sudan."
The
Bashir regime is unlikely to comply with UNSCR 1564 any more than
it complied with UNSCR 1556, passed on July 30, 2004, which called
on it to disband the Janjaweed militias, bring their leaders to
justice, and provide unfettered access to humanitarian aid workers.
The regime subsequently loosened some restrictions on aid workers,
but cynically sought to give the Janjaweed new uniforms and fold
them into police forces dispatched to "protect" the refugees. In
May, the U.N. stoked Khartoum's arrogant cynicism by re-electing
Sudan to the U.N. Human Rights Commission, despite mounting
evidence of human rights violations and complicity in genocide.
The
weak U.N. response to the Darfur crisis has been premised on the
hope that the Sudanese government would rein in its surrogates in
Darfur. However, this is unlikely, absent vigorous sanctions and
other international pressures on Khartoum. Washington should
continue pressuring the Security Council to defend the U.N.'s
founding ideals and punish Khartoum for its ongoing crimes. The
U.S. should also oppose any economic aid to Sudan through
international financial institutions, including the proposed
expansion of the International Monetary Fund's "special drawing
rights" that would give Sudan, among other countries, increased
access to IMF financing. The United States has already imposed
unilateral sanctions on Sudan because of its support for terrorism
and should encourage other nations to follow suit. Americans should
join a populist divestment campaign to persuade large institutional
investors to ban investments in publicly traded companies that do
business in Sudan. The Center for Security Policy's
DivestTerror.org maintains a list of companies that profit from
commerce with Sudan and other sponsors of terrorism. A similar
divestment campaign in the 1980s successfully pressured South
Africa to abandon its apartheid policy.
Sanctions take time to work, but hundreds
of thousands of people in Darfur do not have much time left. The
highest immediate priority should therefore be to mount an
international effort to feed, shelter, and protect Darfur's
victims. The African Union has already dispatched 125 observers and
305 troops to Darfur to monitor the tenuous cease-fire that the
United States helped broker in April. This force should be greatly
expanded to protect civilians and aid workers. The African Union
has appropriately taken the lead in this intervention, and
Washington should support the effort with diplomatic, logistical,
and financial support. Yet the Bush Administration must rule out
the deployment of U.S. ground troops, which are already stretched
thin. A new deployment in Sudan would become a lightning rod for
terrorist attacks and would give Islamic extremists a propaganda
issue to exploit.
Conclusion. While extending aid and
protection to Darfur's victims is the highest priority, the Darfur
crisis will end only after the Bashir regime is convinced that its
repression of its own people will not be tolerated. It is past time
for individual countries to impose sanctions on the Bashir regime
and for the Security Council to follow suit.
James Phillips is Research Fellow in
Middle Eastern Studies in the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis
Institute for International Studies at The Heritage
Foundation.