The House of
Representatives is considering a proposal to create a federal tax
deduction for state and local sales tax-a preference that would be
available only to taxpayers who do not utilize the deduction for
state and local income taxes. This is bad policy. It would give
governors and state legislatures an incentive to increase sales tax
rates. It would do nothing to help the economy grow faster. Indeed,
it would almost surely have an adverse impact because it would
facilitate an increase in the burden of state and local
government.
Advocates say that
the current tax system is unfair since it allows a federal tax
deduction for state and local income and property taxes. This is an
accurate assertion. States that rely on sales taxes are
disadvantaged by the current system. But two wrongs do not make a
right. The best way to remove this inequity is to disallow special
deductions for all state and local taxes, particularly income
taxes. States would then be treated equally, and the internal
revenue code would not be a tool to promote higher taxes at the
state and local level. It is important to understand, though, that
removing the special tax preference for state and local income
taxes should not occur in a vacuum. Instead, because this reform
would result in about $500 billion of higher taxes over a ten-year
period, it should be linked to tax reforms that reduce tax revenue
by a similar amount. Instead of trying to "make a right with two
wrongs," this would be akin to killing two birds with one
stone.
A new deduction
for state and local sales taxes will create a new constituency
against tax reform. This is especially unfortunate since lawmakers
resisted special interest pleading in 1986 and eliminated the
preference. Indeed, it is worth noting that there were no adverse
consequences-either economically or politically-stemming from this
decision. Reinstating the deduction would be an unfortunate
digression.
Subsidizing bigger government
Tax preferences
have an adverse impact by shielding taxpayers from the real cost of
certain activities, and there are two reasons for the damage.
First, preferences encourage individuals to "demand" more of the
sheltered activity, thus diverting resources from more productive
uses. The home mortgage interest deduction, for instance, is widely
believed to harm the economy by encouraging people to shift money
from business investment to residential housing. Second,
preferences enable providers to "capture" part of the tax
preference by increasing prices. Most experts believe, for example,
that education tax credits lead to higher costs as colleges adjust
their tuition prices to get a share of the money.
Allowing a
deduction for state and local taxes would have these effects-and
the result would be bigger government. Consider a hypothetical
taxpayer with a middle-class income, someone who is in the 25
percent federal tax bracket. Under current law, if this taxpayer
pays $500 of sales tax to his state government, he has a $500
incentive to make sure that his state lawmakers are being
responsible. He expects $500 worth of services and will agitate for
smaller government if he feels his money is not being well spent.
But if the state sales tax is deductible, his federal tax bill will
drop by $125, which means that $500 of state sales tax only reduces
his disposable income by $375, thus making state government seem
less expensive that it really is. As a result, taxpayers have an
incentive to seek more government.
Not surprisingly,
state politicians take advantage of this illusion. They understand
that deductibility shields taxpayers from the full burden of tax
increases and that this makes it easier to increase the size of
government. Under current law, for instance, our hypothetical
taxpayer's disposable income drops by $100 when the state sales tax
climbs by $100. But if the state sales tax is deductible, a $100
sales tax increase reduces his disposable income by only $75. The
"cost" of the tax increase is reduced, with the size of the
decrease depending on each taxpayer's tax bracket. This does not
eliminate opposition to tax increases, but it does reduce the
intensity of resistance and thus facilitates the growth of state
government.
Undermining tax reform and economic
growth
A key principle of
tax reform proposals such as the flat tax is neutrality-the notion
that the internal revenue code should not grant special preferences
or impose special penalties based on the source of income, the use
of income, or the level of income. Such policies distort the
economy by giving taxpayers a reason to make decisions based on tax
considerations rather than the economic merits.
Deductions for
state and local taxes are a perfect example of the adverse economic
impact of social engineering and industrial policy in the tax code.
They shield taxpayers from the cost of government, thus luring
people to be less vigilant against government expansion while
making it easier for politicians to expand the size of state and
local government.
A bigger
government sector necessarily means a larger burden on taxpayers.
Resources will be misallocated as money shifts from the productive
sector of the economy to the government. Nations with bigger
governments grow slower than countries with smaller governments,
and states with bigger governments grow slower than states with
smaller governments. This is why jurisdictions with smaller
governments like the United States, Ireland, and Hong Kong enjoy
better performance than high-tax welfare states like France,
Germany, and Sweden. It is also why states like New Hampshire,
Nevada, Florida, and Texas out-perform states like Massachusetts,
New York, and California.
The right approach
The strongest
argument in favor of sales tax deductibility is the inequitable
treatment of states that rely on the sales tax rather than the
income tax (local governments tend to utilize property taxes).
Current law allows the deductibility of state and local income and
property taxes, but does not permit any deduction for sales tax.
This is an unfair approach, and it is especially perverse since it
encourages states to utilize a revenue source-the income tax-that
has the most adverse impact on economic performance.
But rather than
add another loophole to the tax code by making the sales tax
deductible, lawmakers should repeal existing preferences for other
forms of state and local taxation. Such a step would remove
distortions from the tax system and boost the economy by
encouraging a more efficient allocation of resources.
That is the good
news. The bad news is that the elimination of deductibility would
be a big tax increase. According to the Treasury Department,
repealing the existing deductions for income and property taxes
would increase federal tax collections by more than $50 billion
annually. This would be the wrong approach because more money in
Washington would further weaken the already tenuous commitment to
control federal spending.
This is why
deductibility should be eliminated only as part of a meaningful tax
reform so that the $50 billion-plus of revenue can be used to
implement pro-growth tax reforms. There are a number of attractive
options, including:
-
Repeal of
the alternative minimum tax - The AMT is a pernicious tax
that-left unchanged-will force millions of additional taxpayers to
compute their taxes twice and then pay the government whichever
amount is larger. This tax should be repealed.
-
Repeal of
the double-tax on dividends and capital gains - Policy makers
took an important step in the right direction last year by lowering
the tax rate on dividends and capital gains to 15 percent, but the
correct rate to eliminate the tax bias against capital formation is
zero.
-
Universal
individual retirement accounts - IRAs also have been expanded
in recent years, thus helping taxpayers protect themselves from
double-taxation. These provisions should be made universal so that
no Americans are double-taxed simply because they save.
-
Territorial
taxation - The United States imposes a perverse form of
double-taxation on income earned in other nations. This policy of
"worldwide taxation" is unfair since other nations already tax that
income. Lawmakers should shift to territorial taxation, the
common-sense notion of taxing only income earned inside national
borders.
-
Corporate
tax rate reduction - America's 35 percent corporate tax rate is
the second highest in the industrialized world, higher even than
those in welfare states like France and Sweden. The United States
should learn a lesson from Ireland, which has turned itself from
the "sick man of Europe" into the "Celtic Tiger" by slashing the
corporate tax burden.
There are many other
supply-side tax reforms that would be beneficial, including
reductions in the 35 percent top personal income tax rate and a
reduction in the tax penalty on new investment by shifting from
"depreciation" to "expensing." There are strong arguments for all
these proposals, but the real point is that the tax code would be
more conducive to growth if any of these reforms were combined with
an elimination of the deductibility of state and local taxes.
As a final note,
eliminating the state and local tax deduction is a proposal that
should appeal to leftists because it would get rid of a loophole
that benefits the rich. Nearly 9.3 million taxpayers with annual
income over $100,000 enjoy aggregate tax savings in 2003 of almost
$30 billion because of the deductibility of state and local taxes.
By contrast, only 63,000 taxpayers with less than $10,000 of income
benefited, and their total tax relief was only $1 billion. Indeed,
taxpayers with income of more than $100,000 receive more than twice
the benefit of all other taxpayers combined. Tax policy should
never be based on distribution tables, which are one-time snapshots
that fail to measure economic effects, but since the state and
local tax deduction is a loophole for the rich that harms the
economy, there might be a chance for a "strange bedfellows"
alliance between left and right.
Conclusion
By considering a
proposal to make sales tax deductible, Congress is moving in the
wrong direction. To be sure, the specific proposal requires
taxpayers to choose either sales tax deduction or income tax
deduction. And the proposal also is effective for only a two-year
period. These factors will ameliorate the negative effects of
expanded deductibility. Nonetheless, it is unfortunate that this
proposal is even on the table, particularly when there is a much
better approach.
Daniel J.
Mitchell is McKenna Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The
Heritage Foundation.