SECRETARY POWELL: Well,
thank you very much, ladies and gentlemen, and thank you, Elaine,
for that kind and generous introduction, and tell the President I
said hello. (Laughter.) I just left him a few minutes ago coming
over here. He is really running the rounds today, and we had a
meeting with the new Korean Foreign Minister, which was a very warm
and cordial meeting -- the first time the President had a chance to
meet with the new Minister. I want to thank Mr. Lee for his kind
remarks. And, Ed, I want to thank you for inviting me here today. I
am deeply honored to address the Heritage Foundation, and this
gathering, and grateful for the generosity of the Samsung Group and
the Lee family in making this important and distinguished lecture
B.C. Lee, as we all know, was a very successful businessman, but
his concerns and his interests transcended business.
His public spiritedness remains with us in many ways; his having
endowed this lecture, which is now continued by his son, is just
one of his many contributions, and we are all his
Partnership at work in Asia is the title of my lecture today, and
the subject of that lecture is Asian democracy and American foreign
policy. That may not sound particularly exciting to the younger
members of this audience. But those closer to my age will know that
it is exciting.
That's because they realize that such a title would have sounded
odd just 3 or 4 decades ago, for the simple reason that there wasn
t much Asian democracy back then to speak of.
Now there is. So my subject is not only [not] odd, it s obvious -
or it should be. Democratic political development in Asia provides
a new and very positive context for U.S. foreign policy, a more
hopeful context than ever before. This is an exciting
The link between U.S. foreign policy and the success of democracy
abroad was also the theme of a speech I gave about two weeks ago at
Princeton University. On that occasion, I was celebrating the
100th birthday of the grand old man of American foreign policy,
George Kennan, the author of the containment strategy. As you
might expect on such an occasion, I spoke mainly about the many
positive changes that took place in Europe during the second half
of the 20th century -- especially in that century s final decade,
with the end of the Cold War and everything that Kennan had spoken
about coming to pass.
I stressed that victory in the Cold War was not just a victory of
American and Western power against an enemy, the Soviet
It was a victory of ideas and ideals, a victory for liberty and for
freedom - ideals that are not just American or even just Western,
but ideals that are universal, ideals, as Elaine said, we strongly
believe, the President strongly believes, are given to us by a
It's clear to me that not only did the bloody 20th century end well
in Europe, it ended just as well in Asia - and for much the same
While most of us had our eyes and our attention focused on the high
politics and strategic rivalries of the Cold War, very significant
developments were taking place down in the sinews of Asia s body
politics. A yearning for political liberty, for intellectual,
religious and economic freedom was growing in Asia. That yearning
has broken forth in new realities. In the past 18 years - in
just one short generation - seven new Asian democracies have
Now that's impressive, and, to some at least, profoundly
surprising. There was a time not so long ago when it was commonly
believed, and often said, that democracy wouldn t work in Asia the
way it worked in other places. Why would such a view prevail, or
even be around? Where would it come from?
Well, as I've already suggested, there seemed to be evidence for
such views. Just 40 years ago there was only one genuine
democracy in East Asia - Japan - one compromised democracy, in the
Philippines, and one young and incomplete democracy, in
Most observers saw Japan as a special case, for we d defeated it,
occupied it, and helped rebuild its political life.
The Philippines was also seen as a special, unique case, as a land
the United States had ruled, and had brought to independence and
then to democracy.
Nowhere else, in any East Asian country, was there a wholly
indigenous democratic tradition.
Same for the rest of Asia, except for a democratic India.
Against that kind of canvas, many people concluded that left to
their own devices, Asian societies had no interest in democratic
government, no capacity for it, or both. Such was the common
knowledge, and even many Asians embraced it. Some Asians insisted
on an Asian way to prosperity, an Asian way to power based on what
were called "Asian values," not on freedom and democracy as we in
the West understood those concepts.
And indeed, some Asian states, including many of the so-called
Asian tigers, showed that they could achieve increased prosperity
and power without democracy, and even without a genuinely free
These achievements puzzled Westerners, especially Americans. Some
began to wonder whether we d been wrong all along to think that our
principles, born of the enlightenment, were really universal as we
claimed - as advertised in the Declaration of Independence and the
other texts of our founding fathers.
What a difference 3 or 4 decades can make. In that time, Asians
have demonstrated two important things.
The first is that non-European societies can generate systemic
economic growth on modern terms -- in other words, growth that
integrates material resources, human capital, and social trust in a
market-based context. And certainly, the Samsung Corporation is a
perfect example of that kind of activity.
That achievement has been Asian in every respect. It didn t happen
because of a slavish imitation of European models and methods, and
it hasn't required the abandonment of culture. Not at all. Asians
have proven that modernization isn't the same, needn t be the same,
Japan served as the most dramatic example of this phenomenon. It
has preserved its unique culture while transforming itself into a
regional and global leader, a force for modernization, a thriving
democracy, and a stunning economic success.
The second lesson follows from the first, and it doesn t confirm
the Asian values thesis. That lesson is that, yes indeed,
democratic ideals are universal. We Americans came to such ideals
through our European heritage. But Asians came to the same ideals
through their own heritages, in their own ways.
No one can now claim that political liberty is beyond Asian
interests, or capacities. The record speaks for itself.
After Japan s reborn democracy flourished after World War II, and
after India's democracy did not deteriorate after independence as
many predicted, voices denying the possibility of Asian democracy
began to weaken.
And then Malaysia emerged as an electoral democracy after
independence in 1963, and "people power" re-established Filipino
democracy in 1986.
Then came democratic successes in South Korea and Thailand. Then
Mongolia cleared the bar, and Indonesia joined the ranks of Asian
democracies in 1999.
By the time Taiwan saw its first peaceful transfer of power from
ruling to opposition party in 2000, skeptics were getting scarce.
Then came a new form of people power in East Timor, and its
emergence as a young democracy in 2001.
And just last year, half a million brave people marched through the
streets of Hong Kong to peacefully oppose legislation that would
have curbed their civil liberties.
It is important to all those who cherish democracy that Hong Kong
remain open and tolerant, and that s its political culture continue
to thrive under the "basic law" with China.
The whole world now knows that Asians of different nationalities,
ethnicities and religions truly share the universal aspiration for
democracy and that they're willing to fight for it, fight for it if
that s what it takes.
As Jose Ramos Horta, the Foreign Minister of East Timor, has said:
"The thousands of Asians who died in the streets of Manila,
Bangkok, Jakarta, Rangoon, Beijing, did not die for so-called
'Asian values' that deny the people of Asia the basic and
fundamental freedoms enjoyed in Europe, Latin America and in an
increasing number of countries in Africa."
Asians seek democracy today for good reason. Democracy works, and
it works in several different dimensions.
As the quest for Asian democracy has grown, so has Asia s
prosperity, so has cooperation among regional states, and so has
Asia s peace.
Nowhere is this connection clearer than in Japan, again, which has
married its strong democracy with a powerful economy to become a
major force for stability and peace in the Asia-Pacific region and
But over the past four or five decades, income levels have doubled
and redoubled almost everywhere in East Asia, and not just in
ASEAN and other regional organizations have advanced trade and
And there hasn't been, thank heavens, a significant international
war in Asia since 1979 -- a quarter century ago. Indeed, today the
Asia-Pacific region as a whole enjoys unprecedented peace.
That wouldn' have been an easy prediction a few decades back. We
only recently exited a century that saw some of history's fiercest
wars rage in Asia.
I fought in Vietnam for two years, and I served as a battalion
commander in a
Korea divided even more than it is now, along a DMZ that we hope
someday will be erased.
Those were dangerous times, filled with bloody nights and anxious
days for me. Today the region s major powers work with, not
against each other, on a variety of shared interests. That includes
peace and stability in a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula as our
Despite its remaining security challenges, Asia s security
circumstances are headed in the right direction. That s part of the
reason we re on the cusp of a still brighter democratic era in
As is the case everywhere, domestic progress toward democracy and
progress in international security tend to reinforce one
We have much to look forward to this year on Asia s democratic
agenda. Presidential or parliamentary elections, or both,
will take place in Indonesia, the Republic of Korea, the
Philippines, Mongolia, Malaysia, and Taiwan. Japan will elect its
upper house in July, and Thailand s elections will take place early
Of course, elections are hardly the sum total of what it takes to
make a liberal democracy, in Asia or anywhere else. But elections
are an important index of social progress if they re free and fair,
if they reach down in society as they should. Such elections mark
the consummation of processes often long in the making.
Even less-than-perfect elections in less-than-fully democratic
societies can be seen as progress, if elections are an advance
toward fully representative government.
Western history bears this out, too. Many of today s European
democracies had parliaments and elections before they had broadly
representative government, before they had genuine
It took time to turn symbolic representations of democracy into
real ones. It took time to build the attitudes and the institutions
necessary to support fully democratic government in Europe, and
some nations got there before others. So why should Asia be any
different? Why should any region of the world be different?
While Asian democracy has been an Asian achievement, Americans and
all those who champion liberty rejoice at its progress. We have
something else to cheer, too. The ideas of Western origin that
haven t stuck in Asia are the ideas of the most wayward offspring
of the enlightenment: communism.
There are still a few self-described communist countries in East
Asia, but Asian communism is withering away.
The share of the economy owned by government is smaller today in
China than it is in France, always an interesting comparison to
China has seen the virtues of market economics.
China s political system hasn t yet followed suit. But our
understanding of politics and human nature suggests it eventually
will. And here is where the connection between Asian democracy and
American foreign policy gets so intense.
History seems to suggest that big countries have more political
magnetism than small countries, that the big countries set the
regional and the global trends.
It would follow that, as goes China s political development, so
will much of Asia s as the 21st century rolls forward.
But power and influence reside not only in physical scale, but also
in ideas, the ideas that are held by the countries. And today the
ideas of democracy, of market economics, of human freedom, of the
dignity of men and women, all within the rule of law, these are
very powerful beyond any physical scale. So powerful that they are
setting roots in Asian countries with past political forms as
diverse as South Korea s military government and Mongolia s
The power of these ideas very much, at the same time, shapes our
own policy thinking.
We believe that the blossoming of Asian democracy, gaining strength
year-by-year, day-by-day, is establishing the basic context of the
We believe, too, that if the democracies of Asia can be
consolidated and strengthened, and if new Asian democracies join
them, then when China comes inevitably to accept systematic
political reform, its leaders will see democracy in the same light
that they have seen market economics.
They will see that freedom embedded in the rule of law is what the
future looks like and, very likely, we expect they will decide
That's why the quality and the character of political life in
Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, Indonesia and elsewhere are
the critical factors shaping the future of Asian politics, and I
would submit also of Chinese politics.
That's why the quality and character of U.S. relations with these
and other countries are the critical factors in shaping the future
of Asian security as well, including security regarding
Now, some may see in this approach to strategy a subtle hint of
Mao's peasant revolution, or of General Giap s military strategy --
where the periphery, the countryside, surrounds and eventually
comes to control the core of the city.
Do we think that an advancing Asian periphery of democratic states
will come to surround and control a Chinese core?
Not at all. Control has nothing to do with our thinking. The only
things we want to surround China with are prosperity and peace, so
that it may share in more of both.
As President Bush told the students at Qinghua University, today
America "welcomes the rise of a strong and peaceful and prosperous
Now, our model for strategy isn t Mao Tse-Tung, or General Giap --
our models are Thomas Jefferson and Abraham Lincoln. We still hold
as self-evident the truth that all people want freedom and deserve
And to elevate public life we still appeal to and count on, "the
better angels of human nature," as Lincoln put it in his second
inaugural. We do not entrust that task to an all-powerful
My staff, when we were working on this said well, you know, you
shouldn't quote Lincoln and Jefferson to an audience such as this.
I said, "Well, they spoke in universal terms." "Well, it might not
work with this kind of an audience." But then I reminded my staff
that when the [Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao] visited us a few months
ago and we were having dinner in the Jefferson room at the State
Department and he and I were just conversing back and forth just
having met each other for the first time.
And I don t know how it came up but we got on the subject of
Lincoln. And Lincoln, of course, is a favorite of everybody in this
room, and a particular favorite of mine. And I started to describe
to [Premier Jiabao] the impact of Lincoln's second inaugural
address. And as I tried to paraphrase one of the sentences in the
address, [Premier Jiabao] looked me right in the face just like
that, quoted the whole thing verbatim. I was deeply impressed. I
ran down to my office to check to see if he was accurate.
He was absolutely accurate. He had studied it. He knew it. And I
have had leaders come from all over the world to quote back to me
these documents of ours, not because they re American documents but
because they capture the human condition, they capture the human
universal truth about freedom and democracy and the rights of men
President Bush s Asia strategy is a strategy of liberty and of
advancing democratic government, based on the aspirations of Asians
themselves. And there's nothing subtle about our support for this.
We don t need to be subtle; we're proud of it.
Asians are building democracy for their own reasons, with their own
labors. But the United States has played a key role in nurturing
the environment that has made Asian successes possible.
Our military and diplomatic presence, the participation of our
business community and our foreign assistance programs have all
helped to impart democratic values to an increasingly receptive
And we re not done. Promoting freedom in the Asia-Pacific region
remains vital to American national interests. The economics alone
are compelling. The Asia-Pacific region accounts for over 25
percent of world production, about 23 percent of world trade.
Our engagement with this prosperity directly benefits American
workers, American farmers, producers and consumers alike.
But beyond economics, we seek the peace of the region and the
well-being of all its peoples, for in their peace and in their
security our own peace and security are advanced.
We never impose. We don't come to impose, but we do promote
positive, democratic change within, within the cultural context of
And we promote overall regional security and prosperity so that
democratic institutions and democratic progress can be seen and can
This may sound nice. It may sound very neat, but it s not easy, not
easy at all, to promote both internal change and external stability
at the same time.
Rapid social change, in particular, tends to undermine political
Genuine social progress isn t a calming experience. It never has
been and probably never will be.
So, of course, we welcome democracy in Indonesia. But political
freedom in a land that s not used to it is still learning. And
the land that is so ethnically diverse and religiously diverse, has
contributed to a return of problems that we hoped would not return,
communal violence, revolts and reprisals.
International terrorists have tried to take advantage of these
problems, with security implications for the region and that go far
This trouble will pass. But that it arose in the first place
shouldn't surprise anyone. It ll pass faster to the extent that
Indonesian democracy strengthens itself.
As Americans know, for governing a diverse nation, no system, no
system is better than democracy.
Sometimes, to their credit, authoritarian leaders have tried to
introduce democracy. They ve seen the future, and they ve wanted to
take their countries there. Such efforts have often been resisted
by those vested in the old status quo.
Progress to democracy in Thailand, for example, was briefly
interrupted in 1991 by a military coup. Positive change stimulated
instability. But that instability was overcome by the people,
strongly backed by Thailand s unique and committed monarch.
Other authoritarian rulers have tried to promote economic reform
while resisting political reform. They've tried to change society
while keeping politics frozen.
That approach can work for a while.
I mentioned the Asian tigers a moment ago, which illustrates the
point. But ultimately, the steps that must be taken to gain
economic success in our times undermine authoritarian rule and
encourage democracy. That's why nearly all the Asian tigers that
were not democracies three decades ago are democracies now.
Again, that s no surprise. In a competitive market system, the
incentive for success drives productive assets into the hands of
those who can make most efficient use of them. That s bad for
cronyism and corruption, good for raising the status of education
and good for the virtue of hard work in the society.
It's also good for ensuring the dignity and rights of the
individual, whose genius and creativity above all, are what powers
all successful economies.
Economic success means making commercial transactions more
transparent, and that requires the sanctity of contracts amid the
rule of law. That's very bad for nepotism and kleptocracy. But it s
very good for entrepreneurship and for developing a vibrant civil
Economic success means creating or expanding new middle classes,
and middle classes, in turn, want a say in what happens to the
wealth they helped generate. That s bad for arbitrary rule. It s
great for democracy.
We see these dynamics still playing out today in several Asian
countries that feel compelled to open their economies, but still
resist the political changes leading to real democracy.
We see increasingly stronger legal systems, more open financial and
investment markets. We see more press freedoms, and more freedom of
speech and freedom of assembly. We see newly empowered, more
prosperous citizens. We're likely, eventually, to see democracy in
all of these places.
And of course that s good. Democratic life isn t always easy.
Young democracies are especially prone to political gridlock. We ve
seen levels of political emotion rise to the point that, for weeks
and months at a time, the normal business of government has been
brought virtually to a halt.
This adjustment period, too, will pass. But meanwhile, many young
Asian democracies remain fragile, their successes reversible and
their difficulties real. So we and our partners must help, must
help them if we can, when it's appropriate for us to do so.
A freer economic life is a great thing, too, but there are pitfalls
here, as well. Growth requires more openness, within society and
with the world economy. participation in the world economy,
however, leaves Asian countries more vulnerable to volatile global
markets, as we saw in that devastating 1997-1998 period.
We re better able now, years later, working together, to prevent
economic collapse and contagion than we were back in 1997.
But change can still be wrenching for so many people. In some
cases, income disparities increase sharply as those already
well-placed get preferential access to capital, licenses and other
This dilemma is not unique to Asia, once again. Western economic
history records similar events as economic change cast social
relations into storms of uncertainty. Such difficulties too passed
in time. We believe they ll pass in Asia as well, but not if most
Asian citizens come to associate democracy and open markets with
want, hunger and injustice.
That's why, as with democratic Asia s political challenges, the
United States stands ready to help with economic adjustments,
Our policy task is a double one: First to advance domestic
democratic and free market development when we can; And second to
calm the regional security environment so that internal progress,
sustained by Asians themselves, can proceed.
Our policy means must therefore be inclusive.
The assurance that the U.S. forward military presence brings to the
region is indispensable, and that presence will remain.
The political and economic tools at our disposal are no less
critical. We combine all of our policy tools into an effective
diplomacy that blends power and persuasion as necessary to the case
How, more specifically, are we supporting Asian democracy?
Most importantly, we let them know that we care, and that we re
rooting for them. That means a lot, and don t just take my word for
it. Listen to somebody we all know and respect, Aung San Suu
"It is deeply encouraging," she said, "to know that there are
people like you who care about our liberty and rights. We have
struggled with democracy in Burma for more than a decade, and
during this time we have been strengthened by the support of
friends and well-wishers from across the globe."
Let me now tell all true Burmese patriots that we are with you
still. Keep faith, my friends, keep faith, for Burma s day of
democracy will come.
We also encourage legislative exchanges and cultural exchanges with
Asian countries, at every level and of every sort.
We encourage military-to-military contact, too, as with the very
important IMET program, which builds up a tradition of professional
militaries that can keep their noses out of politics.
We will help some young democracies with the Millennium Challenge
Account, a new fund that has just been authorized by our Congress.
Of the 63 countries that have initial eligibility for these
programs, 11 of them are in Asia.
We re helping to promote free and fair elections, primarily through
NGOs, including the National Endowment for Democracy. And President
Bush has just recommended a increase, significant increase in
funding for the National Endowment. That effort includes sponsoring
multi-party debates, the distribution of voter guides, the training
of election monitors, and the broadcasting of public policy
In some cases, as with the Philippines in Mindanao, we re trying to
help contending parties reach agreement on a peaceful shared
In others cases we weigh in on human rights concerns -- from Tibet
to Rangoon, from Phnom Penh to Pyongyang. As we work on security,
and economy and democracy, we'll always keep in the forefront of
our efforts the necessity to deal with human rights in every
country that we have relations with.
And we can do more. We can send more teams from our Federal Reserve
Bank system, and from the Security & Exchange Commission, to
help young market economies get their economic administrative
systems in good order.
Private American business can help by promoting universal "best
practice" accounting and auditing standards. Perhaps by teaching
others, we can raise our own standards as well.
That gives you some idea of how we re helping Asian countries to
build solid representative governments. The role of the United
States in regional security, which can be thought of as a shield
behind which democracy can develop, is just as important. And here
our task is six-fold.
First, we re bolstering our Asian alliances and restructuring our
military presence to reflect post-Cold War realities. These
alliances, particularly those with Japan and Australia, not only
will remain the backbone of our Asian strategy, but our Asian
allies and friends help us in other common tasks.
Japan is enlarging its global and regional political role. Along
with Japan, standing with us in Afghanistan and Iraq are South
Korea, the Philippines,
Mongolia, Australia, New Zealand, Singapore and Thailand.
Together we are bringing peace and humanitarian assistance to the
Afghan and Iraqi people. We re grateful for these strong
commitments in partnership.
Second, it is American policy to integrate China into Asian and
global institutions. To do so we pursue a candid, constructive and
cooperative relationship with China in all spheres.
We want a rising China to rise also to its global responsibilities,
from implementing its WTO commitments to helping bring peace to
regions in crisis.
At the same time, we do all we can to keep peace and ensure
stability in the Taiwan Strait. President Bush has been absolutely
clear on this point: We adhere, we adhere firmly, to our one-China
policy, as defined by the three communiqués and the Taiwan
We do not support Taiwan s independence, and we oppose moves by
either side to unilaterally change the status quo. In this regard,
we also strongly oppose the use of force or its threat across the
Taiwan Strait. China s military build-up opposite Taiwan is
destabilizing. We urge a posture more conducive to the peaceful
resolution of existing disputes.
Third, we support the aspirations of the Korean people for the
peaceful reunification of the peninsula. Together, with our
partners, we urgently seek a de-nuclearized Korean Peninsula. We
insist that North Korea dismantle its nuclear weapons programs
completely, verifiably, and irreversibly.
The six-party talks that we had last week have led to unprecedented
cooperation with our allies and partners in the North Pacific
community of which we are a part.
North Korea can join that community, too, if it ends its nuclear
program and embraces the political and economic openness that is
carrying virtually all of the rest of Asia into a better
Assistant Secretary Kelly, who is here with me this afternoon, has
just returned from those six-party talks. They showed a good deal
of progress. We haven't gotten where we need to be, but what I am
especially pleased about is that we have institutionalized now the
process with working groups and we're already getting ready for the
The United States, South Korea, Japan, China and Russia have made
it clear to North Korea that a better future awaits them, that none
of these nations is intent on attacking them or destroying them or
exhibiting hostile intent toward them; instead, we want to help the
people of North Korea who are in such difficulty now, but it must
begin with North Korea's understanding that these programs must be
ended in a verifiable way.
And if North Korea takes the necessary steps, as we move forward,
North Korea will see that the other members of the six-party group
and the rest of the world will welcome them and do everything we
can to help them.
Our fourth point is that together with our Asian partners, we
combat terrorism and extremism throughout Asia, particularly in
We re focused on advancing good governance, education and economic
opportunity to dispel the appeal of terrorism.
And we work bilaterally and regionally to promote better
intelligence sharing and law enforcement cooperation to deal with
terrorists that are already on the loose. And we re making progress
on both counts.
Fifth, we support sustained economic growth throughout the region
by encouraging both regional and bilateral economic
We have an understanding and unique economic partnership with
Japan, which joins us in the leadership of the world economy, in
the G-8, the OECD, the WTO and other fora.
We've reached historic free trade agreements in recent months with
both Singapore and Australia, and we are entering into discussions
now with Thailand, our next Asian free trade partner, our
We also encourage the full integration of the Asia-Pacific region
into global economic structures, not least into the World Trade
Sixth, we support an end -- excuse me. Sixth, we support an open
and inclusive East Asian regional architecture that allows regional
states to build partnerships with each other and partnerships with
the United States.
Some of these partnerships already exist. There is APEC, and there
is the ASEAN Regional Forum. As useful as these partnerships are,
there s more that they can do: in public health, for example. As
HIV/AIDS, SARS and the avian flu all illustrate, we have a strong
mutual interest in working together. Everybody stands to suffer if
we don t work together.
By helping to build democracies within countries, and by helping to
provide them the security they want, we promote freedom in Asia -
and with it we promote American interests and principles.
We're doing so where freedom is already established, and where it
is not. Where liberty and democracy exist, we work with Asian
countries to help them strengthen their hard-won achievements.
Where liberty and democracy are not established, we work with our
Asian partners to support efforts to establish them.
We have much work to do, Asians and Americans both. I look forward
to it because the spirit of freedom is rising, all around the
world. And the rising of that spirit shows that those who cherish
freedom have always been on the right side of history.
Like Europe, Asia is increasingly a success story, with each new
chapter being written by Asians themselves.
We have every reason to applaud and to advance that story line. I
believe that our policies in Asia for the three years of this
Administration have been successful. We have strengthened our
alliances and our partnerships. We have helped nations join the
world economic community. And I can just say to you now that
President Bush has a firm and full dedication to continuing this
work. He has charged me and the other members of our team to ensure
that these relationships become even deeper in the months and years
This is an age of massive change. This is a wonderful century to
watch history being made before your eyes -- this first decade of
this new century. A good part of my military career, as I've said
very often to friends and members of my staff, concentrated on war,
the Cold War. For 35 years, I was prepared to fight enemies of
democracy in Europe, and I actually did it in Asia, where the
challenge was just as great.
Now, to be Secretary of State during a period where our values
system has triumphed, where increasingly, with each passing day,
despite the difficulties we have to face, despite the difficulties
in places like Iraq on its way to democracy, despite the
difficulties of trying to find a solution for the Middle East peace
process, despite the difficulties one comes across in a place like
Haiti -- despite these challenges which take so much of our time,
let us never lose sight of the fact that in this new century, in
this first decade of the new century, we have opportunities in
Europe and Asia and Africa and the Americas unlike any the world
has seen in the last 100 years, that rest on a solid foundation of
believing in democracy and pursuing democracy, of economic openness
and freedom, and believing always, always, in the individual rights
of every single man and woman on the face of this Earth to pursue
their own dreams, limited only by their own ambition, and
hopefully, because they are living in countries that support that
God-given dream and ambition that they have.
Let that continue to be our goal. Let that continue to be our
Thank you very much.