(Archived document, may contain errors)
766 April 24,1990 INTRODUCIION Among the many dividends of
communism's collapse in Eastern Europe is the emergence of a
new-found respect in Africa for the United States. From Pretoria,
South Africa, to Lagos, Nigeria, African governments are seeking
stronger relations with what they perceive to be the world's sole
surviving superpower. Yet, at the very moment that Washington
could begin devising a creative U.S. policy for Africa, some
members of Congress are attacking those African nations that could
anchor expanded American engag e ment in Africa In particular
jeopardy is Washington's relationship with one of America's
strongest African allies, Kenya. Some members of Congress want to
suspend economic and military assistance to Kenya due to alleged
human rights viola tions by the Ken y an government Supporting U.S.
Interests. Since achieving independence from Britain in 1963, Kenya
has been one of the few African nations to pursue a pro-Westem
political course. In contrast to most African governments, Kenya
has per mitted and even welco m ed American military access to its
naval and air bases. U.S. naval-foFces dock-adBGel-at Mombasa,
Kenya's principal seaport, located on Kenya's southeastern Indian
Ocean coast. More impor tant, American use of Mombasa enables the
U.S. to project air and n aval power in the Gulf of Aden, Indian
Ocean, and Persian Gulf in the event of emergencies or threats to
American security interests in these regions.
Kenya supports American political interests in Africa as well.
With Washington's endorsement, Kenyan Pres ident Daniel arap Moi
says he wants to mediate settlements to long-standing civil wars in
Ethiopia, Mozambique and Sudan In Sudan, Moi cooperates with
Washington's famine relief efforts, which have saved tens of
thousands of Sudanese from starvation. Keny a has been the largest
provider of famine relief supplies to Sudan.
Despite this, Representative Howard Wolpe, the Michigan
Democrat, is leading the attack against Kenya.Though Wolpe mutes
his criticism of some of Africas most egregious human rights violat
ors, like Ethiopias Mengistu Haile Mariam he has lashed out at
Kenya, and threatened to seek the ter mination of U.S. military and
economic assistance unless human rights in Kenya are improved
prosperous Kenya, the Bush Administration and Congress should b e
consis tent in using human rights as a determinant of American
policy.The U.S surely cannot ignore violations by communist regimes
like those in Ethiopia and Angola while criticizing governments
like Mois that not only are friendly to the U.S but which are less
repressive than other nations in Africa.
Seeking Stronger Ties. More important, besides the value of
preserving U.S.-Kenyan strategic and political cooperation, healthy
relations with Kenya will allow Washington to nudge Moi toward a
better human rights record.The U.S. thus should seek an even
stronger U.S.-Kenyan relationship in which the U.S. can play a
constructive role in encouraging political pluralism, a free market
economy, and respect for human rights and liberties, while
continuing to ben e fit from U.S.-Kenyan strategic cooperation To
protect strong U.S.-Kenyan relations and help foster a free and To
achieve these objectives, the Bush Administration should Maintain
U.S. access to the Kenyan air and naval facility at Mom Invite
Kenyan Presid e nt Daniel arap Moi to visit Washington to re basa
emphasize the importance of U.S.-Kenyan relations. Bush and Moi
should discuss increased political, strategic, and trade
cooperation between Washington and Nairobi, and Mois role as a
peacemaker in Africa E ncourage Kenya to initiate free market
reforms, such as privatizing state enterprises and eliminating
price and marketing controls. Despite enormous potential, the
Kenyan economy is seriously hampered by too much government
involvement Assist financially, through the National Endowment for
Democracy NED those-Kenyan-organizations that support democraticf
free market values Continue military aid, currently $15 million per
year, to Kenya to maintain U.S. air and naval access to Kenyan
military facilities and assist Kenya in defending itself from
external aggression. Kenya borders heavily armed nations such as
Ethiopia and Uganda, and U.S. security assistance is important for
Kenyas defense Organize a U.S.-Kenyan business council to identi0
and resolve problem s of U.S. investors in Kenya, including
burdensome bureaucratic procedures and corruption 2 FROM
COLONIALISM TO MOI Before winning independence in 1963, Kenya was a
British colony. Britain obtained control over Kenya at the 1885
Berlin Conference, where th e major European powers divided East
Africa into spheres of influence.
Britain declared Kenya a British Protectorate in 1895, and Kenya
was made an official colony in 1920 rule reached a high point when
members of Kenyas Kikuyu tribe launched the Mau Mau rebellion
against the British in October 19
52. Mau Mau was a secret organization of Kikuyus who terrorized
the British, and often killed other Kikuyus who refused to take an
oath swearing not to cooperate with the British Britis h security
forces aiding Kenyan police brought the insur rection to an end in
1956, but only after some 13,500 Kenyans were killed. Tens of
thousands of suspected and known Mau Mau were detained by the
British leaders of the Kenya African Union (KAU an an ti-colonial
nationalist party, were arrested and accused of organizing the
rebellion.
Prompted in part by the Mau Mau rebellion, London in 1955 began
taking steps toward grant ing Kenyaindependence A- ban on Kenyan
political parties was partially lifted th at year, ena bling local
level political associa tions to organize freely As political
activity in Kenya increased, debate intensified among Kenyans over
how politi cal power should be distributed in an independent
Kenya.
Kenyas two major political par Kenyan opposition to colonial 3
ties -the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) and the Kenya
African National Union KANU differed strongly on how to share
political power.
Since KADU drew its support from a coalition of Kenyas smaller
tribes, it advocated a decentralized or federal constitution to
prevent political domina tion by Kenyas largest tribe, the Kikuyu.
KANU, by contrast, advocated a centralized system of government
KANU was led by the charismatic Jomo Kenyatta, who was previously
impriso!ed.by t he-Bgtish .as an organizer of the Mau Mau rebellion
and who became the first black African insurgent to be known
world-wide ber 12,19
63. At first it appeared that Kenya would become a federal state
similar to that advocated by KADU. Kenyas first independe nt
constitution finalized by KADU and KANU in London in
September-1963, gave local governments considerable political
autonomy. But in August 1964, Kenyatta announced his intention to
make Kenya a centralized republic, abolishing regional autonomy and
cre a ting a strong presidency. The proposal was heated ly debated,
but when the proposal was voted upon in November 1964, KADU was
unable to prevent its passage. Recognizing that the measure was
likely to pass, KADU announced that it was dissolving its party a n
d merging with KANU On the first anniversary of independence, Kenya
was proclaimed a republic. Kenyatta was elected Kenyas president,
the first of only two presi dents to rule Kenya. Campaigns for
Kenyas parliament have been contested by a multiplicity of KANU
candidates, and debate within the party has been
uncharacteristically wide for a one-party state. Nonetheless, the
centraliza tion of political power within KANU has spawned limited
political freedom in Kenya with opposing political parties banned.
T h e Kenya Peoples Union KPU), a small political party, was formed
in 1966, but the party was banned officially bythe government in
1969 Centralized Republic. Britain granted Kenya full independence
on Decem When Kenyatta died on August 22,1978, Vice Preside n t
Daniel arap Moi assumed the presidency, in accordance with the
countrys constitution. As Kenyatta before him, Moi also serves as
president of KANU, which remains Kenyas only legal political party.
Unlike Kenyatta, Moi is not a Kikuyu, but comes from the Kalenjin
tribe which, at 11 percent of Kenyaspopulation; is about half the
size of the Kikuyus. Under Mois leadership, the ethnic base of
Kenyas-government has been broadenedtg include-such smaller Kenyan
eth nic groups as the Luo and Kamba. Those of Soma l i origin are
dso better rep resented MODERN KENYA Kenya is located on Africas
east coast, bordering the Indian Ocean to its east and five African
countries Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda to the
north, west, and south tive prosperity in a r e gion characterized
by political chaos, successive coups Since independence in 1963,
Kenya has been an island of stability and rela I 4 detat, violence,
and poverty. Kenyas neighbors include some of the worlds most
egregious human rights violators such as Ethiopia, Somalia, and
Sudan.
Four of Kenyas neighbors Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, and Uganda
are embroiled in devastating civil wars. And in each of Kenyas
neighbors, hunger and starvation are commonplace Human Rights
Improvements. Though Moi has kept his n ation at peace Kenyas seven
major ethnic groups the Kalenjin, Kamba, Kikuyu, Kisii Luhya, Luo,
and Meru -remain bitter rivals. As such, the potential for violence
is a major Kenyan concern. Kenyas human rights climate, though
often criticized by Western l i berals, is better than such East
African neigh bors as Ethiopia, Somalia, and Sudan. According to
the U.S. Department of State, there were no political murders in
Kenya last year, no reports of disap pearances, and Kenyans were
free to engage in private e c onomic activity and own property
without government interference.* Additionally, last June Moi freed
all political prisoners detained without trial or charge? Living
standards also are higher in Kenya than in other black African
nations. The best baromete r of this may be life expectancy In
Kenya it is 58 years, the highest of any East African nation.This
compares with 53 years inTanzania 49 years in Burundi and in
Rwanda, 48 years in Uganda, 47 years in Ethiopia and 47 years in
Somalia4 (U.S. life expectan c y is 75 years; Egyptian is 61 Kenya
also has fared better economically than its neighbors. Though the
Kenyan economy has been hampered by stifling regulations such as
govern ment control of major financial institutions and
price.controls on many agricultu ral and industrial products and by
corruption in many business sec- tors, Kenyas per capita gross
national product is the largest in East Africa.
For 1987 it was $330, compared with $300 for Rwanda 290 for
Somalia 260 for yganda 250 for Burundi 180 for Tan zania, and $130
for Ethiopia. Kenya has the most developed roads in the region, and
it is the only East African nation with a notable industrial
capability, producing beverages, tobacco, textiles, cement, metals,
and other products. The Kenyan 1 For a ful l er discussion of human
rights and political conditions in the Horn of Africa,.see.Michael
Johns Preserving American Security Ties to Somalia, Heritage
Foundation Backgrounder No. 745, December 26 1989; Michael Johns, A
Cautious Welcome for Sudans New Gove r nment, Heritage Foundation
Executive Ethiopia, Heritage Foundation Bacmunder No. 692, February
23,1989 2 U.S. Department of State, Counby Reports on Human Rights
for-1989: Kenya,-pp. 159-160 3 Kenya Orders Detainees Freed, The
Washington Post, June 8,1989 , p. A28 4 The World Bank, World
Development Report 1989: Financial Systems and World Development
Indicators June 1989, Table 1 (Basic indicators), p. 164 5 The
World Bank, World Tables (Baltimore: The Johns Hopb Un;VerS;ty
Press, 1989 country tables Memor andum Nor245,-Jdy-28,-1989; and
Michael Johns,-!A U.S. Strategy to Foster Human Rights in 5
industrial sector is growing over 12 percent each year. Kenya also
is, by far, the largest exporter of goods in East Africa.
Nonetheless, Kenya is one of only 42 co untries listed by the
World Ba&p low income economies. Agriculture is the base of the
Kenyan economy, ac counting for approximately 30 percent of gross
domestic product and engaging over 75 percent of the population,
and earning about 66 percent f Kenyas f oreign exchange. In recent
years tourism has sur passed coffee and tea as Kenyas main foreign
revenue earner as commodity prices for these agricultural products
have fal len. Last years earnings on tourism are estimated to have
been 340 million, with over 700,000 tourists visiting Kenya.
Unlike Angola, Nigeria, Zaire and other African countries that
have natural resources like coal copper, diamonds, and oil Kenya
can boast no significant natural resources 9 8 AMERICA AND KENYA
Kenyas beauty and splendor ar e well known to Americans about
78,000 of them visit Kenya each-year,Moreover,-some--l20 U.S. firms
have subsidiaries, af filiates, or branch offices in Kenya, making
the country 6 World Development Report 1989, op. cit.,Table 1
(Basic indicators p. 164 7 U.S. Department of Commerce, Foeign
Economic Tends and Their Implications for the United States
prepared by the American Embassy, Nairobi March 1990, p 8 8 Roger
Throw, Capital Flight Strains Kenyan Economy, Wall SbLeet Journal,
August 17,1989 6 among the most attractive African nations for U.S.
investment. American firms in Kenya include Cheesbrough-Ponds
Incorporated, Delmonte General Motors Corporation, and Mobil Oil
Corporation. Kenya is Africas fastest growing commercial market for
U.S. goods. U.S. ex p orts to Kenya last year totalled $133 million
and included fertilizers, locomotives, industrial and agricultural
chemicals, computers, and other products This makes Kenya the
third.largest market in Sub:S-aharan Africa. for U.S, goods. after
South Africa and Nigeria. Imports from Kenya were 68.3 million, and
included coffee tea, and insecticides.
Kenya is important strategically to the U.S. Access to Kenyan
air and seaports facilitates American capability to project air and
naval power in the Indian Ocean to ensure the free flow of
international commerce and to respond to any crisis or security
threat, such as terrorism, in the region Important Port. As a
result of these threats, the U.S. signed a military agreement with
Kenya in April 1980 which permits t h e U.S. Navy to use Mombasa as
a liberty port for refueling and docking. Also under the 1980
agreement, the U.S. Navy and Air Force can use Kenyan air
facilities if air forces are needed to counteract aggression in the
region. The agreement stipulates that either party can renegotiate
its terms this year was used extensively for docking and refueling
of American warships The U.S. has not used Mombasa for any other
major military operations in the past decade, and the facility is
considered less important fo r American security interests than the
naval and air base in Berbera, Somalia, along Somalias northern
coast. Nonetheless, Mombasa continues to play a valuable role as a
potential launching point should American forces need to counter
terrorism or foreign a gression in the Indian Ocean, Persian Gulf,
or Sub Saharan Africa. These are important, though unstable,
regions for American security interests. Because an estimated
500,000 barrels of crude oil pass through the region every day,
much of which is destine d for the U.S and be cause the region
contains such unpredictable states as Ethiopia and Iran, the U.S.
needs to maintain its access to Mombasa.
Mombasas importance is magnified further in light of mounting
political instability in Somalia. Mohammed Siad B arre, Somalias
leader, disbanded his cabinet this January in a last ditch effort
to save his fledgling regime. Anti months, and political opposition
to Siad has reached an all-time high. Should Siad fall, the U.S.
stands to potentially lose its right to o p erate from Berbera and
Mogadishu, Somalias two military bases, leaving Mombasa as the only
remaining military facility in the region to which the U.S. has
access During American naval patrols in the Persian Gulf in the
1980s, Mombasa SiIdreEels have mount e d-military offensives-with
growing-success-in-recent 9 9 For a Mer discussion of the
importance of Somalias military facilities for US. strategic
interests in the Horn of Africa and the Middle East, see Johns,
Preserving American Security Ties to Somalia, op. cit 7 KENYAS
IMPORTANCE TO EAST AFRICA Because of its economic and political
stability, Kenya has the potential of becoming an influential
economic and political example of success for East Africa if Kenya
achieves steady economic growth and greater p olitical liberty.
Because Nairobi serves as the commercial center for East Africa,
and be cause SMombasa is the central port of the region,-Kenya is
well positioned for becoming the hub of regional economic
growth.
Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, Uganda and other neighbors that trade
with Kenya could follow Kenya down the road of free market and
democratic reform, opening the door potentially for peace and
greater prosperity in em battled East Africa. A prerequisite of su
c h regional influence already exists in West Africa, where
Nigerias democratic, free market reforms are influencing the
attitudes of West Africans. In Nigerias western neighbor, Benin,
for in stance, calls for democratic change led to the toppling this
mon th of Benins dictator Mathieu Kerekou. In the West African
nation of Ivory Coast, too calls are now intensifying for
multi-party democracy. If Kenya is successful, it could have a
similar impact on Somalia, Tanzania, or even Marxist-controlled
Ethiopia.
KE NYAS FIVE ECONOMIC CHALLENGES Kenya faces five serious
economic challenges if.it is to. graduate froml the 1) Promoting
economic growth The Kenyan economy grew 5.2 percent in 1988.12
These gains to some de World Banks list of low income economies.
These a r e gree are offset by Kenyas rapidly growing population,
estimated at 4.1.per 10 This December, 20,000 protesters in
Cotonou, Benin, mostly students, rallied against Kerekous
authoritarian reign. Crowds shouted Kerekou out! and banners read
Kerekou resign. Power to the people. An additional 5,OOO people
joined the protests in Porto Novo, Benins capital.This month, after
weeks of pressure for democratic change, Kerekou was ousted. 20,OOO
in BeninTell Leader to Resigp Now, New York Times, December
13,19
89. F or a fuller discussion of Nigerias importance to West
Africa, see Michael Johns, A U.S. Policy for Nigeria: Supporting
Political and Economic Freedom, Heritage Foundation Buckyounder 11
In its 1989 development report, the World Bank defrnes a low income
e c onomy as a country with a gross national product per capita
under $450 a year. Kenyas GNP per capita, in 1987, was $330, making
it the 26th poorest nation in the world. World Development Report
1989, op. tit p. 164 12 Gross domestic product (GDP) figure f o r
1988, the most recent statistic available. Foreiign Economic Trends
and Their Implications for the United States op. cit, p. 4 No. 730;
O~tober-l3~1989~pp.-6-7 8 cent a year and among the worlds highest.
A Kenyan woman gives birth on average to 6.7 chil d ren in her
lifetime. Employment grew by 3.5 percent in 1987, but new workers
entering the work force grew by 4.5 percent.3 Result Kenya has an
urban underemployment rate of 25 percent to 35 percent.14 The
population crisis is magnified further by illegal immigration into
Kenya mostly from neighboring Somalia, where thousands of refugees
are fleeing Somalias cjvil war. Should populati.og gro- rates qmmue
at current levels, the Kenyan population will double in seventeen
years.
A growing population, of course can be an economic asset. It is
an economic liability only when a countrys economic policies erect
obstacles to individual initiative and entrepreneurism, to
investment and savings, and to foreign trade.
Accelerated Kenyan economic growth will not necess arily require
greater levels of foreign aid from the West. Aid was poured into
Kenya during the 1980s with no im provements in Kenyas economic
growth. Kenyas average annual economic growth rate was 1.3 per cent
between 1973 and 19
80. But from 1980 until 1987 the Kenyan economy, adjusted for
population growth, declined 0.9 percent.15 Throughout this time of
economic decline, from 1981 to 1987, Kenya received 3.2 billion in
foreign development assistance, primarily from the European
Community, Italy, West G ermany, and the U.S Requirements for
Growth. Instead of sending additional foreign aid to Kenya,
Washington and Nairobi must re-evaluate many of Kenyas economic
policies. Growth will require, among other things, Kenya to
eliminate price controls and marke ting boards, which discourage
farmers from producing and privatize state-controlled enterprises
that are operating inefficiently.
Another challenge is for Kenya to promote consistent economic
growth in sectors other than agriculture. Because the Kenyan eco
nomy is so dependent on coffee-and-tea-production,-the-economy
faces-major-setbacks-when coffee or tea prices fall or when weather
conditions reduce harvests of these goods.
By continuing efforts to expand industrial production, which
currently ac 13 hid, p.6 14 Underemployment is defined as those
individuals working less than full time who desire to and are
capable of working full time l5 Average gross national product (GNP
1980-1987.The World Bank, Sub-Suhwun Aficc From Crisis to
Smtuinuble Growth, Nove m ber 1989,Table 1 (Basic indicators), p.
221 9 counts for 13.4 percent of gross domestic product, Kenya can
reduce its de pendence on coffee and tea and protect itself from
economic catastrophe when the production or sale of agricultural
goods falls short of expectations A final challenge is reworking
the Kenyan tax code to encourage economic growth. Currently, the
top ma
al tax rate of 65 percent is levied against all Kenyans with
incomes of over $7
30. This excessive rate removes the incentive for productive
economic activity because Kenyans are permitted to keep the
equivalent of only 35 cents of every dollar earned over $7
30. A new Kenyan tax code should provide greater encouragement
for economic production by lowering the marginal rate 2) Attracting
foreign investment Because its economic climate is more hospitable
than that of most other African countries, Kenya has been
attracting investors from Britain, Canada and West Germany.
American firms investing in Kenya include Cheesbrough Ponds
Incorporat e d, Delmonte, General Motors Corporation, and Mobil Oil
Corporation. Total foreign investment in Kenya amounts to 1.06
billion. This figure surely would grow were Kenya to ease such
burdensome foreign invest ment regulations as price controls,
import licen s es, and foreign exchange manipulation. Some progress
towards this is being made. In March 1989, for example, Kenya
simplified its import licensing procedure for foreign inves tors.
Under the previous system, investors often would wait months before
learni ng whether their imports had been approved. Such
extraordinary delays prompted many American firms to pull out
ofICenyasThe new licensing process can usually be completed in two
weeks.
Another hurdle to greater foreign investment is bureaucratic
barriers t o dividend repatriation. Some investors have reported
waiting up to fifteen months for approval to repatriate dividends,
and the problem features prominently among the complaints of
businesses that have pulled out of Kenya.16 I 3) Eliminating
corruption C o rruption is a serious problem for domestic and
foreign investors. Says a veteran Kenyan businessman: It has gotten
so that you.have.to bribe some one to find a file and then bribe
someone to move the file.17 Such corrup tion chases capital
abroad.The Worl d Bank reports that cumulative capital fligh-t
-f*m-Ki?iijGiS among -Africas-highest, following -only
-Liberia,-Nigeria and South Africa. Also, many Western investors
are taking their business else where. Ten years ago, Japan, one of
the worlds largest inv e stors in Africa had thirteen companies
doing business in Kenya.Today, only two remain 16 Thurow, op. cit
17 Bid 10 Ending Kenyas serious corruption problem may prove to be
the most ar duous economic and political challenge. Getting Moi to
investigate and a p prehend corrupt bureaucrats, one Western
diplomat contends will be a slow, tough process, and a lot of
political oxen will get gored in the process including some very
high up.18 Increasingly, Moi is lashing out rhetorically against
corruption, calling it unpatriotic behavior and pledging that those
guilty of corruption will be taken t~-
jk Buts,the.first step to closing down corruption is for Moi to
relinquish control over the economy, which he has not yet fully
done 4) Privatizing state-owned enterpris es Moi nationalized five
ailing banks in February.This bucks the healthy trend of other
African governments, like Nigeria and Togo, to.privatize state
owned enterprises. Even radicals like Namibias Sam Nujoma and the
African National Congresss Joe Slovo a re acknowledging the
commercial failure of state-owned enterprises.
When enterprises are owned by government, there exists no
incentive for these enterprises to operate efficiently and to
respond to market demands As a result, most of Kenyas 23 0
state-owned enterprises have been commer cial failures. This drains
Kenyas treasury, where public-sector borrokng com prises 40 percent
of total domestic credit.
The World Bank this February endorsed Kenyas decision to
nationalize the banks. A World Bank affiliate, the
International-Development Associa tion, has made a 25 million loan
to Kenyas central bank, which will control the nationalized
banks.
Bank argued in its World Development Report last year.m It said
that banking accountability is a key component to Third World
economic development.
When banks are owned by governments, there is little incentive
for bankers to direct funds to productive enterprises. The World
Bank states in its World Development Report 1989 report:
Wide-ranging intervention in the financial sector must gradually
give way to systems that provide services in response to market
signals. This, in turn, calls for more competition 31 This is a
serious mistake by the World Bank and contradicts what the World 5)
Eliminating price co n trols and market regulations Price and
market controls also retard.econon& growth. Pdces are set by
marketing boards in most of the government-controlled, or formal,
agricul tural sectors.This discourages farmers from expanding
output and drives many into the informal market.The informal market
has been growing so 18 aid 19 Speech by His Excellency Daniel arap
Moi, on the 26th anniversary of Jamhuri Day, December 12,1989 20
World Development Report 1989, op.cit 21 aid, p. 103 11 rapidly
that it created new jobs at a rate of 11 percent in 1988, compared
to 5.4 percent in the legal market.
Some progress toward the elimination of price controls has been
made.
Under pressure from such organizations as the Kenya Association
of Manufacturers KAM which contends t hat price controls disrupt
production and decrease export competitiveness, the Kenyan
government has eliminated price controls on 76 pr0;ducts since last
April. But prices remain controlled on eighteen major products,
including most of the industrial sect or THREATS TO KENYAS SECURITY
Kenyas security problems are not as severe as those facing its
economy.
Nonetheless, Kenya finds itself surrounded by potentially
threatening and heavily-armed regimes. Ugandan leader Yoweri
Museveni who is advised by Libyan military officers, has been
stationing thousands of troops on Kenyas border since December
19
87. His aim apparently is to intimidate and des tabilize Kenya.
Museveni and Libyan Dictator Muammar Qadhafi reportedly support
Mwakenya, a Kenyan internal opposi tion movement formed in the
1980s Kenya also borders Ethiopia, which enjoys extensive military
support from the Soviet Union and Cuba, receiving over 7 billion in
military assistance for weapons and supplies since 19
77. Though Kenya has been at peace with Ethiopia, Mengistu Haile
Mariam has attempted to destabilize the region with military force,
primarily through support of the Somali National Mgve ment in
Somalia and the Sudanese Peoples Liberation Army in Sudan.
Meanwhile, Kenyan relations with Somali a, Kenyas other northern
neighbor are tense because of concern about Somalias substantial
military power and the threat Moi believes it presents to Kenyan
security Aid from the U.S. In recognition of Kenyas importance in
East Africa, and in exchange for K enyas strategic cooperation with
the U.S Washington sent Kenya $61.4 million in economic aid and $15
million in military aid last year.
This made Kenya the second-largest Sub-Saharan African recipient
of U.S economic aid. Since Kenyan independence, U.S. ai d to Kenya
has totalled 1.14 billion.23 During Kenyas drought in 1984, the
U.S. gave Kenya $111 million in economic assistance. As the
droughtwaned, U.S. ectiiioiiiicd w-as ;cut to $53 million in 19
86. Kenya then requested an increase, which has been ref used
primarily because of cutbacks in U.S. assistance to Africa. Last
years $61.4 million in economic assistance was used for birth
control, financing of com 22 For a fuller discussion of Soviet
involvement in Ethiopia and Mengistus aggressiveness in the H orn
of Africa, see Johns, A U.S. Strategy to Foster Human Rights in
Ethiopia, op. cif pp. 5-10 23 U.S Agency for International
Development source 12 merci credit, fertilizer, and agricultural
management training and educa- tion. 2f U.S. military assistanc e
to Kenya began in 1976 when the Ford Administra tion sent Kenya a
squadron of F-5E Eger II warplanes. Washington then was extremely
worried about the Soviet military buildup of neighboring Ethiopia
and Somalia. Though U.S. military assistance to Kenya ha s fallen
from $22 milliori3n 1980 to last years $15 millioqthis continues to
represent 60 per cent of the total U.S. security budget for
Sub-Saharan Africa MOIS RULE Since becoming president in 1978,
Daniel arap Moi has given Kenya some thing unknown to al m ost all
of the rest of black Africa: political stability.The trouble is
that this has been achieved at the expense of political pluralism
and democracy. Moi rules through a one party state that allows no
true elections and he sometimes intimidates his pol i tical
opponents. But unlike many African nations, Moi has kept tribal
factionalism from breaking out into violence. With the exception of
an unsuccessful August 1982 coup attempt against Moi launched by
elements of the Kenyan air force, Kenya has been at peace.
Moi is recognized in the Organization of African Unity (OAU) as
one of the continents senior statesmen, and his experience and
credibility are often sought to settle armed conflicts in Africa.
As chairman of the Organiza tion of African Unity (OAU) from 1981
to 1983, Moi worked to resolve con flicts in Chad and Sudan.
Recently, both African governments and rebel movements in Ethiopia,
Mozambique, and Sudan have called on Moi to help resolve
long-standing civil wars in these respective countries Wide -
Ranging Political Debate. Though a one-party state, Kenya under Moi
permits a greater degree of political freedom and greater respect
for human rights than do most African nations. In neighboring
Ethiopia, Somalia and Sudan, for instance, human rights are abused
more than in Kenya. Unlike Ethiopia and Somalia, Kenya allows some
public debate over the countrys political future. And within Kenyas
sole political party there are wide-rang ing debate and
ideologies.
Human Rights and others have been per&tted io visit Kenya to
inististe charges of human rights abuses. When a delegation from
the Robert F. Ken nedy Memorial Center visited Kenya in March, for
instance, the group was able to move about freely in Kenya to s
peak to human rights advocates, ac Internationd hgman rights groups
such as the Lawyers Committee on 24 U.S. Agency for International
Development source 13cordin to the State Departments most recent
annual report on human rights! Still, adds the report, h u man
rights continue to be significantly restricted in Kenya, and in
1989 there was further erosion in the respect for civil liberties
and political rights Other human rights organizations such as
Africa Watch cptend that Moi has cracked down on press free doms
over the past two years.
The international human rights group Amnesty International char
ed in November 1988 that Kenyan political detainees have been
tortured Answering Critics. The Kenyan government responds that
these accusa tions are exaggerations . Charges of torture by Kenyan
police have been habitually investigated by the government, and
within the past two years, the government has charged and convicted
nine Kenyan.police. officers for tortur ing detainees and issued
them prison terms.
Moi allo ws an independent legislature to exist, though Kenyas
voting sys tem, called queueing, denies Kenyans the right to a
secret ballot in the primary voting. Under the queueing system,
voters must queue for up to six hours behind a picture of the
candidate fo r which they wish to vote. Queueing obviously
intimidates voters and invites retribution against Kenyans who sup
port losing candidates.Though queueing does not exist in general
elections it remains for primary elections, which in a one-party
state are by f ar the most important balloting 24 AN AMERICAN
POLICY TOWARD KENYA In formulating U.S. policy toward Kenya, the
Bush Administration should keep two points in mind 1) Kenya is one
of Americas few allies in black Africa, and this alliance needs to
be protec t ed and strengthened. A strong alliance with Kenya en
sures U.S. military access to the region and gives Washington some
economic and political influence in East Africa 2) Kenya is a
relative success story in East Africa. Kenyas peaceful politi cal
environ m ent and stable economy are rare in a region ravaged by
brutal dictatorships, civil wars and famine. Moi, though deserving
criticism for many things, still has proved his interest in
fostering peace and stability in the Horn of-
Africa;-Kenya%-economy, tho u gh still stifled-by.
extensive-government regulation and corruption, is in far better
shape than that of Ethiopia, Sudan Tanzania, or Uganda:The Bush
Administration should highlight these achievements when developing
policy toward East Africa, and remain 25 Country Reports on Human
Ri
ts Pmctices for 1989: Kenya, op. cit., pp. 168-169 26 hid, p.
159 27 Kknya: Suppression of Press Freedom (Washington, D.C Africa
Watch, December 6,1989 Kenya Human RiBts: An Update (New York
Amnesty International, November 19 88 14 engaged in Kenya in order
to encourage Moi to nudge Kenya toward political freedom and
additional free market reforms To maintain a strong U.S.-Kenyan
relationship, and to help foster economic and political freedom in
Kenya, the Bush Administration s hould 4 4 Ensure continued
American access to the Kenyan air and naval facility at Mombasa
This,b.Re. on Ke.nyas Indian Oce-an,coast is an impor tant docking
and refueling facility for American warships. The U.S. thus should
seek to renew the agreement wh e n it comes up for renegotiation
this year. Mombasa also offers U.S. warships and warplanes a
launching ground for maneuvers in the Indian Ocean and surrounding
areas, which is important in maintaining the free flow of
international commerce and in respond i ng to any potential crisis
in the region 4 4 Invite Moi to pay an official visit to Washington
as soon as possible Bush hosted Zaires President Mobutu Sese Seko
last June, Congos Presi dent Denis Sassou-Nguesso this February and
Mozambiques President Joa q uim Chissano this March. He has had no
other state visits from African heads of state. He thus should
invite Moi to Washington in recognition of Kenyas importance to
U.S. strategic and political interests and to strengthen the
U.S.-Kenyan political, strat e gic, and trade relationship remains
seriously hampered by government control. The Bush Administra tion
should urge Kenya to introduce free market reforms that would
privatize state-run agriculture, banking, and other industries, and
would end price con tr o ls and marketing boards. Reducing
governments involvement in the economy also would decrease Kenyas
corruption problem. Kenya in March 1989 did simplify its import
licensing procedure for foreign investment and soon Kenya is
expected to establish export z o nes in Mombasa and Nairobi where
imports and exports enter and exit Kenya with minimal regulation 4
4 Assist financially, through the National Endowment for Democracy
NED Kenyan organizations supporting democratic and free market
values The NED is a Washi n gton-based, non-partisan organization,
funded by the U.S. government, that assists democratic
organizations abroad No Kenyan institutions have yet applied to NED
for assistance; but the U.S. em bassy in Nairobi should identify
groups that would merit U.S. support, and arge them-to-apply-for
NED assistance. One qualiMng organization would be the Kenya
National Chamber of Commerce and Industry, which represents Kenyan
businesses and is a strong supporter of free market reform. By
strengthening this and other Kenyan organizations that support
economic and political freedom, Washington can spur the growth of
democracy and a free market economy in Kenya 4 4 Continue military
assistance to Kenya. U.S. military assistance to Kenya this year is
only 15 million, mos t of which is used to help maintain Kenyas air
forces. This is important for Kenyas defense against Kenyas
heavily-armed neighbors To assist Kenya in defending itself from
these 4 4 Encourage free market reform in Kenya. The Kenyan economy
15 threats, U.S. military assistance to Kenya should be sustained
at current levels 4 4 Organize an American-Kenyan business council
to identify and resolve problems of U.S. investors in Kenya. One of
the most serious challen ges to Kenyas economic stability is the
recent trend of American disinvest ment from Kenya. Many Western
investors, citing stifling economic regula tion and corruption, are
removing their investments from Kenya To address this problem, a
formal body could be established to conduct a dialogue be tween
American investors and the Kenyan authorities. Such councils
already exist between U.S. investors and foreign governments in
Nigeria and Turkey.
They resolve differences between U.S. investors and the
governments over in vestment codes, taxes, dividends, e mployment
codes and other investment is sues CONCLUSION Kenya is an island of
stability and potential in what is otherwise a disastrous region of
the world. The countrys support for American strategic and policy
objectives in East Africa is important to t h e U.S it needs to be
preserved. By maintaining American military access to the sea port
of Mombasa, and con tinuing American military assistance to Kenya,
the U.S. can ensure continued strategic cooperation with Kenya. By
advising and encouraging Kenya to remove stifling economic
regulations, such as m?rketing boards and price controls, and
encouraging it to end corruption, the U.S.-can assist Kenya in
developing a stronger economy.
U.S.-Kenyan relations, but all of East Africa.The Bush
Administration shou ld encourage Kenyan President Moi to correct
human rights abuses deregulate and privatize the heavily
state-dominated economy, and nudge his country toward multi-party
democracy If successful with democratic and free market reforms,
Kenya could set an exa mple for other poor East African countries
to follow. But Washington can influence Moi only if the U.S remains
engaged in Kenya. For this reason, Washington should continue
economic and military assistance to Nairobi.
The collapse of communism in Eastern E urope, Nicaragua, and
elsewhere leaves America-as the world3 sole superpower. Now the
U.S. can take a lead in Africa to foster economic and political
freedom. Foremost among Washingtons African allies is Kenya.
Maintaining and strengthening this relations hip will be a
springboard for bringing freedom, democracy and peace to the great
continent of Africa Taking the Lead. A stable, prosperous and free
Kenya will benefit not only Michael Johns Policy Analyst 16