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488 February 20, 1986 PRIVATIZING FEDERAL SERVICES A PRIMER
INTRODUCTION A new word--privatization--has entered the lexicon of
federal That can take budget making federal assets or activities to
the private sector many forms. Facilities owned by the feder a l
government can be sold to the private sector: these same facilities
can be kept in federal hands but managed by private firms or
groups: federal services can be provided, under contract, by
private firms: or low-income Americans can be given the means t o
obtain services in the private sector.
These forms of privatization enable the deficit to be reduced
without cutting necessary services. The reason: by turning over
functions to the private sector, bureaucratic decision-making is
replaced by competitive private management incentives efficiently,
to the benefit of both the taxpayer and service recipients.
Ronald Reagan's FY 1987 budget draws heavily on privatization to
meet the deficit reduction targets required under the Gram-Rudman
legislation. This makes good political and economic sense.
Privatization offers politicians the attractive alternative of
cutting spending without necessarily eliminating programs: all that
is changed is the mechanism by which programs are delivered.
revenues obtained from th e sale of federal assets, such as power
generating facilities or the student and farm loan portfolios
provides a substantial inflow of immediate revenue.
Congress breathing space to find sensible ways to reform and
restructure programs to meet the deficit reduction targets, rather
than resorting to disruptive across-the-board cuts.
While privatization may be new to many Washington policy makers it
is practiced extensively at the state and local level, and by many
foreign governments Put simply, privatizat ion means the
transference of So resources are used more And privatization This
gives Their experience proves that privatization canbring relief to
budget heart burn, and that it can be very popular with voters. As
Congress explores ways to cut the defici t within the Washington
political-climate, privatization should become increasingly
attractive to lawmakers.
WHAT IS PRIVATIZATION?
Privatization can take many forms. Each has different economic and
political effects.
The Sale of Assets The most complete .form of privatization,
obviously, is to sell government-owned assets to private buyers.
This removes government entirely from any involvement in the
activity and the sale provides revenue to the Treasury. Example:
The Reagan Administration's budget prop o sal to sell the federal
Power Marketing Administrations, which generate and distribute
electricity several government-owned firms and nearly 1 million
public housing units to the public, earning 20 billion for the
Exchequer Britain has done this by sellin g Asset sales are
particularly attractive because they can provide a considerable
amount of revenue to the.government in a very short time
involvement enhances the efficiency of performance, often take time
to yield substantial savings Other forms of priva t ization,.where
the private sector The potential for the sale of federal assets is
enormous. The federal government, for instance, has a portfolio of
.outstanding loans in excess of 200 billion. This includes loans to
students, small businessmen, and farme r s. The federal government
also owns over 700 million acres of land--the majority of which
long has been in commercial use for timber or grazing land--valued
at hundreds of billions of dollars value, including two of
Wabhington's airports, over one million public housing units, and
many valuable lots in the nation's cities Uncle Sam owns many other
assets of significant By selling assets, the federal government
"cashes out" the future income they generate-just as an investor
will sell a stock certificate fo r a price based on its anticipated
income. Predictably this has led critics of this form of
privatization to claim that the strategy is a shortsighted and
inefficient response to the deficit problem-like selling the
furniture to pay the rent.
But every suc cessful businessman knows that it is often prudent to
liquidate assets during a' crisis to provide a cushion to permit
essential restructuring of the firm. The federal government is in a
financial crisis required by the Gram-Rudman law. The,up-front
reven u e from asset It must meet strict deficit reduction targets
2- I sales would make it easier for Congress to meet the
Gram-Rudman ceilings for the next couple of years. It could use
this breathing space to make sensible, structural reforms in
federal progra ms. This would avoid the meat ax of across-the-board
cuts mandated by Gram-Rudman if the ceilings otherwise are not met.
Privatization, moreover, does tar more than.merely allow the
government to cash out its future income yield a better price
than.the pre sent value of the government's probable income from
the asset. The reason is that managers of publicly owned assets are
subject to constant political and budget constraints. They also
lack the positive incentives influencing private sector managers
lose m o ney in managing millions of acres of valuable timberland,
and why the Postal Service is constantly outgunned in those areas
where it faces competition, such as overnight package delivery Such
sales are likely to This is why the Forest Service manages to T h e
price a private buyer of a federal asset is willing to pay reflects
the income the buyer estimates he can make-not the lower
expectations of the public managers. Selling federal assets
therefore, means the full value of the asset is realized As
importan t to the economy, the resources would be used more wisely
private hands, the rangeland would not be overgrazed, delinquent
student loans would tend to be collected, and Washington's airports
run more smoothly because private owners would have the incentive
to manage these valuable assets more carefully and efficiently In
Dereuulation A second form of privatization involves simply
allowing the private sector to provide a service now monopolized by
the government. Take the Postal Service. Private carriers com pete
with the Postal Service for the delivery of parcels; the result is
that 70 Service. It is a different story when it comes to the
letters sent by American individuals and businesses.
A federal law, the Private Express Statutes, makes it illegal for
any one to compete with the Postal Service in the handling of first
class mail. Deregulation would allow private carriers to compete
for first class mail business. These new entrants would succeed or
fail solely on their ability to serve the public. The feder a l
Treasury would gain both from the contract fees paid by the new
private mail delivery services and from corporate taxes the private
firms would pay. And the consumer would gain enormously if first
class mail were handled as efficiently as UPS and Federa l Express
deliver packages privatization. American workers and employers are
forced to save for their retirement through the government-run
pension system. Benefits under the program are a political
football, while studies indicate percent of that business is now in
the hands of the United Parcel I The Social Security System also
could be improved by 3that few younger workers can expect a return
on their Social Security contributions comparable with the yield on
private pension plans.
Giving workers the option to put their Social Security
contributions into a private plan would privatize :he system by
,allowing private firms to offer better pension plans.
In this form of privatization deregulation,breaks a
government-sponsored monopoly choice, to the benefit of the
consumer, and it cuts the budget by reducing the need for
government provision of a service This leads to more competition
and Contractins Out In this form of privatization, the government
still funds the service, but invites private firms to bid for the
right to provide the service under contract. The cost of the
service is reduced because the successful contractor must outbid
his rivals.
Hundre ds of American cities routinely use private contractors to
supply basic municipal services, such as garbage collection
maintenance work and even in some instances, fire protection. At
the federal level, the so-called A-76 program enacted in 1955
requires a gencies to compare the in-house cost of routine
commercial services with those obtainable from private suppliers In
theory, each agency is supposed to use the least expensive supplier
of the appropriate quality of service IJ" practice, there is little
con t racting out at the federal One reason is that Congress
buckles to pressure from the level public employee unions, and
places obstacles in the path of privatization. Spurious national
security considerations, for instance, have been used to rule
privatizat i on out of bounds in many programs. Example: Congress
has blocked cost-saving contracting out of much supply, maintenance
and repair work despite requests from the Pentagon. Agencies have
also been instructed not to even consider a private bidder unless
th e saving is at least 10 percent of the in-house cost.
Another factor inhibiting federal contracting out is the mechanism
used to compare costs. Instead of an independent commission 1.
Peter Ferrarn Rebuilding Social Security, Part 1: The Crisis
Continues H eritage Foundation Backarounder No. 345, April 25, 1984
2. Peter Ferrara Rebuilding Social Security, Part 2 Toward Lasting
Reform Heritage Foundation Backsrounder No. 346, April 25, 1984 3.
See Stuart M. Butler, Privatizinp Federal Sbendinq (New York: Uni v
erse Books, 1985 pp. 53-56 4making these comparisons, each agency
determines whether it or a private bidder is more economical.
Needless to say, employees of the agency have the incentive to use
every possible accounting trick to minimize their own stated costs.
Until a truly independent method of cost comparison is used in the
A-76 program, the deck will be stacked against the private
contractor-and hence the taxpayer.
The savings from contracting out are likely to be greatest when the
degree of competition within the private sector is most intense.
Tough competition means the government knows that the contractor
will keep on his toes, for fear of losing the contract.
In this form of privatization, the government also continues to But
instead of a federa l agency giving a contract fund the service to
a specific firm to provide a service, the agency gives the users of
the service the means--probably a voucher-to purchase a specific
service in the open market individuals with the power to become
consumers. T his approach is most appropriate in cases where a
healthy market for a service exists, but where households have
insufficient income to obtain an adequate supply In this way the
government provides The first widespread use of vouchers has been
the Food St a mp program. Low-income families were provided with
stamps of a certain value, which they could.use only to purchase
food. Recipients had the incentive to shop around to obtain the
best value for their stamps-and supermarkets had to compete for
their busin ess, ensuring efficient provision of food'to the poor.
Vouchers could provide low-income Americans with other basic
requirements as service providers compete for the consumer's
dollar.
Rather than continuing a system of expensive public housing and
subsid ies for landlords, for instance, a housing voucher could be
given to the poor. It would empower them as consumers and thus open
the competitive private rental market to low-income families. The
Administratl4on's FY 1987 budget requests Congress to create 50,000
such housing vouchers, to replace part of the spending on other
housing programs..
Similarly, a medical voucher for low-income and elderly Americans
would provide them with the incentive to seek the most efficient
health insurance available, or the lowest cost subscription to an
adequate health maintenance organization As with contracting out,
vouchers do not reduce the federal government's commitment to
nrovide the service involved. But by encouraging voucher holders-
to seek the most efficient pro v ider privatization enables the
government to keep the cost of the service as low as possible 5THE
RECORD Privatization is underway in over 50 countrie Canada is
looking into the sale of several llcrown.corporationsill and.lexico
has earmarked over 200 sta te firms for sale to the private sector.
Even Cuba is busily transferring the ownership of public housing
stock to the tenants.
Several Asian countries are turning to privatization to help state
finances and resuscitate stagnant government corporations. In South
Korea, for instance, the government has divested itself of several
major banks, an oil company, and several other enterprises.
Malaysia intends to privatize the telephone system, its national
airline, and various government facilities. Other Asian countries
are taking similar steps. Perhaps most important of all, Japan will
soon be selling stock in the state-owned Nippon Telegraph and
Telephone the countryls telephone company, and is planning to
restructure and partly privatize its heavily money-lo sing
government railroad system.
Privatization is also becoming a trend in Europe. Turkey has
already sold stock in the Bosphorus Bridge and the Keban Dam, and
is drawing up plans to sell two dozen other government concerns.
Germany, many municipalities contract out such services as public
housing management and health clinics.
France, the government of Francois Mitterrand is taking steps
toward returning to the private sector many of the corporations it
hastily nationalized during the past four years In West Even in
socialist-ruled By far the most extensive privatization is occ
urring in Britain.
Since Margaret Thatcher became prime minister in 1979, there has
been widespread contracting out at all levels of government,
approximately 20 billion worth of government assets has been sold
to private buyers, and over 400,000 governmen t workers have been
moved to private payrolls tenants, while various commercial fips
and the entire telephone system have been sold to the public Over
800,000 public housing units have been sold to 4. See
Privatization-Everybodys Doing It Differ v The Eco n omist,
December 21 1985; Privatization Around the Globe, Policy Report
#120 (Dallas, Texas: National Center for Policy Analysis, January
1986 5. See Butler, OD. ciG Madsen Pirie, Dismantling the State
(Dallas, Texas: National Center for Policy Analysis, 1 9 85 6The
American Emerience Privatization is not new to the U.S even though
the term itself has only recently become familiar to most
Americans. At the state and local level, governments are
increasingly turning to privatization to reduce the cost of servi c
es A recent survey by the National Center for Policy Analysis found
that approximately 35 percent of local governments now have private
firms to collect residential garbage 42 percent use private firms
to operate and maintain their bus systems and 80 perc e nt contract
out vehicle towing and parking Other functions routinely undertaken
by the private sector in U.S. towns and cities include street
repair work, traffic signal maintenance, tree trimming, utility
billing, ambulance services health and welfpre pr ograms, park
landscaping and maintenance, and legal services. Even fire
departments and prison facilities are operated by private firms in
many cities.
International City Management Association found a 50 percent rise
in the number of citie? privatizing on e or more of the services
during the past ten years. The use of private firms to collect
garbage has more than doubled during the decade, private street
repair, operations have risen 600 percent, and thf use of private
firms to manage parks has skyrockete d 2,700 percent.
The overriding factor leading local sfficials to privatization is
cost: the competitive private market generally provides routine
services much cheaper than a government department. Study after
study confi9rms the significant cost savings when private
contractors are used A recent study of the Los Angeles area, for
instance, reveals that street cleaning by city employees typically
costs 43 percent more than the equivalent service provided by a
private firm; janitorial services cost 73 perc e nt more than the
private alternative; and road resurfacing 96 percent more A study
by the Of the eight services analyzed; only in 1 6. Privatization
in the U.S Policy Report #116 (Dallas, Texas: National Center for
Policy Analysis, June 1985 7. E. S. Sava s The Efficiency of the
Private Sector," in Stuart M. Butler, ed The Privatization Option,
Heritage Foundation Lecture Series No. 42, 1985 8. Privatization in
the U.S OD. cit, See also Robert Benenson Privatizing Public
Services," Editorial Research ReDort , Vol. 11, No. 4,
Conpressional Ouarterlv, 1985 9. Savas, OD. citd see also E. S.
Savas Privatizinp The Public Sector (Chatham, New Jersey: Chatham
House, 1982 7-payroll preparationlowere public sector costs
comparable with those in the private sector.
As a sizeable bonus, of course, the private firms that win
contracts to perform public services pay local taxes bureaucracy
pays nothing to the town treasurer.
The municipal At the federal level, there have been relatively few
privatization initiatives, even under Ronald Reagan. One reason is
that many government activities in other countries are already
delivered by the private sector in America. Another reason is that
the Reagan Administration's political experiences with
privatization have not been pleasa nt-mainly because it has failed
to profit from the tactical lessons learned the hard way by foreign
governments.
Margaret Thatcher, for instance, carefully builds coalitions of
those who have or will have a vested interest in privatization. The
Reagan Admi nistration has not. It thus ran into a political buzz
saw when it attempted to sell the weather satellite systp and a
small portion of federal land holdings to the private sector.
Even contracting out routine services to the private sector has not
been ex panded to the degree that might be expected of a
conservative administration. The Administration has done almost
nothing to remove the obstacles to the fulfillment of the A-76
program by which federal agencies are required to compare the
in-house cost of p roviding commercial services with bids from
private firms, and to choose the lowest .-cost .option. a THE
POLITICS OF PRIVATIZATION The Reagan Administration has set bold
privatization goals for the FY 1987 budget. It has proposed selling
such assets as t he Power Marketing Administrations, the Naval
Petroleum Reserve, and a part of the federal loan portfolio. In
addition it is pressing for a full voucher program for low in'come
housing and compensatory education.
These and other privatization initiatives, says the Administration
could cut the deficit by 7 billion in FY 1987, and many billions
more in later years.
The outlook for these initiatives has been improving dramatically.
The passage of balanced budget legislation, and the mounting wealth
of tactica l experience from abroad, suggests that 10. Barbara
Stephens Company Public and Private Sector Efficiency National
Productivitv Review, Autumn 1984 11. Butler, OD. cit, pp. 82-91
aprivatization could be the key to bringing federal spending under
control T h e Impact of Gram-Rudman The Gramm-Rudman-Hollings
deficit reduction timetable marks a turning point in the debate
over federal spending Even..if the Supreme Court upholds the lower
court ruling invalidating part of Gram-Rudman, Congress is
committed to re d ucing the deficit. Reagan's determination to veto
any tax increases leaves lawmakers with only one deficit reducing
option--cut spending painful for Congressmen. What could spare them
this pain, while meeting deficit reduction guidelines, is
privatization This could be stingingly As a model, Congressmen need
only examine recent state and local experiences increases and the
hard place of reduced assistance from Washington the country's
mayors have found that through privatization they can maintain the
quali t y of services at lower cost. This already makes for good
politics at the local level Trapped between the rock of voter
resistance to tax It would make good politics at the national
level. Instead of slashing services to meet spending targets, as
tradition al budget cutting requires, privatization allows
lawmakers to continue supplying the services the programs
proclaiming: Wnder New Management."
The only difference is that a new sign will hang over It should not
take long for Congressmen, like their local counterparts, to
recognize privatization's attractiveness.
Privatization Coalitions A major reason why even the most wasteful
or redundant federal program can be impervious to budget cutting
efforts is that a tight coalition forms around it beneficiaries,
those who serve these beneficiaries, and the political and
bureaucratic constituencies whose careers depend on the program's
existence. When the program's budget is challenged, this coalition
has a strong vested interest to wage a ferocious campaign to pr e
serve it to'dent programs supported by these coalitions, but it is
usually impossible to eliminate them This coalition consists of
program As the Reagan Administration has discovered, it may be
possible These coalitions win because it is difficult to find
congressional and grassroots allies who will support budget cutting
with tenacity principle, but'in practice will rarely join in an
all-out effort to trim or eliminate a particular program The
average taxpayers will denounce spending in Privatization chan ges
these dynamics. The creation of a private mechanism spawns groups
of beneficiaries and supporters which create a 9- Ifmirror image11
coalition to that defending the existing programs.
Like the coalitions supporting government programs, the mirror
image coalitions consist of individuals who will receive services
and the providers of those services-in this case private firms and
groups.
And these private coalitions have the incentive to campaign hard
for stepped-up privatization.
Privatization at the local level has produced a multitude of
private sector organizations that have lobbied intensively and
successfully against Ifpublic sector coalition These coalitions can
often draw strength from the groups that once supported the gov
ernment provision. In Britain, for instance, giving public housing
tenants the right to buy their units at a discount turned one-time
advocates of public housing subsidies into cost-conscious
homeowners.
Similarly, giving British public sector workers free stock in the
privatized companies that replaced their public agency converted
privatizationls fiercest opponents into some of its strongest
supporters.
While-these privatization coalitions quickly and almost
automatically form when privatization takes pl ace, they need to be
mobilized in advance if privatization proposals are to gain the
support they need to become law. Thatcherls government has taken
careful steps to build a constituency for privatization, primarily
by giving key groups, such as employee s, management, hnd
customers, an ownership stake in the designated privatized firm So
far the Reagan Administration has ignored this lesson. It is this
that has caused its privatization initiatives to be delayed or
abandoned.
CREATING THE POLITICAL CLIMATE FOR AMERICAN PRIVATIZATION The
Reagan Administration must create a political environment conducive
to privatization and design initiatives to win the support of key
constituencies To accomplish this, several steps should be taken.
Among them 1) Orsanize C oalitions Even before announcing a
privatization initiative, officials should identify and mobilize
those constituencies likely to gain directly or indirectly. In some
cases this may involve helping organize such constituencies into an
effective political force to ounter the established constituencies
favoring government delivery of services. Example: the greatest
beneficiaries of an education voucher 12. Butler, OD. cit Chapter 2
10 program would be low-income parents and the small neighborhood
private sc h ools that cater to lower income parents. Helping these
groups form national networks and recognizing leaders of these
networks as legitimate spokesmen on education issues would
strengthen the voucher movement 2) Attempt to erode
anti-mivathation coalition s.
Public employees understandably are concerned that privatization
may endanger their jobs. This concern, and the opposition to
privatization that it produces, may be reduced in a number of ways.
The pace of contracting out, for instance, can be limited such that
the number of jobs lost in the private sector corresponds to the
usual rate of attrition threatened-there is simply a freeze on new
hiring may be given an.ownership stake, even outright ownership, of
a privatized asset government-owned National F reight Corporation
in 1982, the employees were allowed to purchase 85 percent of the
trucking company incentive of. ownership, the workers became
advocates rather than opponents of the privatization. Private
ownership, meanwhile, has turned the money-losi n g drain on the
taxpayer into a highly profitable, taxpaying company In that way
the existing workforce is not When the British government
privatized the Or the employees With the Steps may be needed to
quell the public's fear about private It is a fear of t en fanned
by the ownership of government assets opponents of privatization.
For 'instance, when the Reagan Administration sought in 1982 to
sell five million acres of commercial range and timberland--a tiny
fraction of the 750 million acre federal invento ry-it faced a
crippling barrage of criticism. The argument in effect was that it
was selling the national parks to developers desecrating the memory
of Smokey the Bear. Public outcry stymied the sale.
Such a reaction could be averted in the future. The management of
parks and wilderness areas, for example, could be given, under
contract, to environmental organizations public that these lands
will not be part of any sale policy.
Similarly, any proposal to introduce an element of privatization
into the Socia l Security system should be preceded with an
iron-clad guarantee that existing retirees and those nearing
retirement would not be affected This should reassare the 13. John
Baden Let Environmentalists Manage Wilderness Lands," Heritage
Foundation Backarou n der No. 461, October 8, 1985 11 -i 3) Spread
ownership widely A key lesson of the British experience with asset
sales is that spreading the private ownership widely, especially
among groups that might otherwise be hostile to the sale, helps win
political s upport for privatization. It is now almost. routine for
Britain to structure I sales of government enterprises as stock
offerings to the public. But preference is given to purchasers who
are employees, users of the asset, and small investors. Sometimes
ev en free stock is given to these groups. When Britain's telephone
system was privatized in 1984 96 percent of the employees and two
million Britons bought stock in a tidal wave of enthusiasm for the
sale.
The Reagan Administration should heed this lesson. Its sale of the
federally owned freight railroad, Conrail, to the Norfolk-Southern
Railroad, for instance, would be an excellent deal for the
taxpayer.
But the sale has been slowed, perhaps fatally, by opposition from
key beneficiaries of federal ownership of the freight railway
system. Yet these key constituencies might have been converted to
supporters of Conraills privatization if attractively priced blocks
of stock had been reserved for employees, shippers and other
groups. When the Administration atte m pts to win congressional
support of its plan to sell the five huge Power Marketing
Administrations, it will have a better chance of successllif it
adopts a stock sale strategy favoring employees and customers 4)
Recoanize the imDortance of tax incentives A tax incentive can
provide the focus around which a privatization coalition can
develop. Favorable tax treatment of sale-leasebacks, for instance,
encouraged construction firms to press municipalities to explore
innovative, lower cost wastewater treatment plants. The deduction
for Individual Retirement Accounts has stimulated the growth of a
powerful new constituency for private pensions.
The powerful stimulus to privatization provided by tax incentives
should be part of the effort to simplify the tax code . The purpose
of raising taxes is to pay for government spending. Privatization
reduces the need for government spending. But eliminating certain
tax incentives would reduce the level of privatization, because
deductions stimulate charitable contributions , private pension
plans, and other alternatives to government programs. Ending such
tax incentives would discourage these private options, and that may
result simply in more demands for spending r,' ultimately higher
taxes 14. Milton R. Copulos, "Cutting t h e Deficit by Selling
Federal Power Marketing Administrations," Heritage Foundation
Backgrounder No. 485, February 13, 1986 12 - 5) Adopt an
independent method of comparina costs The current method of
comparing the bid of a private contractor with an in-ho u se cost
estimate is heavily biased against the contractor. This could be
rectified, leading to more privatization if the role of comparing
costs and deciding when.to contract out were transferred to an
independent commission staffed by government and priv ate sector
accountants.
CONCLUSION Privatization allows federal spending to be reduced
without denying services that Congress agreed to provide vouchers,
private contractors, or asset sales, services can be provided more
efficiently low-income housing with a system of housing vouchers
does not cut the housing budget by providing less shelter-it does
so by giving tenants the incentive to seeking better .housing for
fewer voucher dollars.
And selling the Bonneville Power Administration to the private
sector does not mean that generators will fall silent-it means that
the utility's management will have to pay closer attention to the
needs of their customers And by using Replacing direct gov e rnment
spending on I I I 18 Privatization recognizes that it is possible
to reduce the cost of government by changing the role of
government. Government is not very good at running railroads, or
building housing, or picking up garbage. By recognizing this simple
fact, and drawing on the cokpetitive private sector to perform such
functions, Congress can cut the deficit by ensuring that more
efficient services, not fewer services, are provided to the
American people.
I Stuart M. Butler, Ph.D Director of Domestic Policy Studies 13