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432 May 13, 1985 HELPING SMALL BUSINESS BY ABOLISHING THE SMALL
BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION INTRODUCTION Ronald Reagan is marking the
Small Business Administration for extinction If he succeeds,
abolishing the 31-year -old SBA not only wfll cut 1.5 billion from
the budget deficit but, much more important, actively will help
small U.S. businesses. The President is taking this action, which
predictably is stirring controversy, because he has uncovered one
of W,ashingtons best kept secrets: being for the SBA is not
equivalent to being for small business. The more closely SBA is
examined, the clearer the picture emerges that the SBA serves so
few small businesses that the health of the small business sector
actually demands SBAs immediate termination.
The arguments against this agency are compelling. SBA helps less
than 1 percent of Americas small businesses. Its default rate is
staggeringly high. Those new sunrise and high-tech companies that
create a large proportion of ne w jobs receive only a miniscule
amount of aid from SBA. Yet doctors and lawyers borrow from SBA to
subsidize their highly profitable professions small business is
spurious. Government-provided or subsidized loans, in fact, are not
a significant source of s mall business capital. For those
businesses that do seek loans, SBA merely diverts funds from more
worthy to less worthy businesses; it does not Ilcreatell new
credit. Nor does the SBA generally help indus- tries hurt by
imports or create net new employme n t. SBA disaster loans
duplicate the programs of other government agencies, and under the
heading of Inon-physical! disasters, the agency bails out many
companies that have simply made bad business judgments. The SBA
Management Assistance program, meantime , duplicates services
offered by the private sector The argument that the SBA is needed
to capitalize American 2 On the other hand, the Office of Advocacy
in SBA performs a useful service by studying the impact of proposed
federal regula tions on small bus inesses. As such, the
Administration's plan to retain this office is wise. But the value
of this tiny section of the SBA provides no reason for saving the
entire, costly agency. The remainder of SBA wastes taxpayers' money
and should be eliminated.
SBA HEL PS FEW BUSINESSES SBA supporters insist that the
Agency's primary function providing loan guarantees and direct
loans, is essential to the small business sector--especially to
start up companies in need of capital. But in FY 1984, the $3.65
billion in SBA loan commit ments went to less than two-tenths of 1
percent of the nation's small businesses, a mere 21,461 of over 14
million. Over 99.8 percent of American small businesses received no
direct SBA aid.
A survey by the National.Federation of Independent Business NFIB
moreover, reveals that, of those businesses receiving SBA loans,
fewer than half rely on the loans as a primary source of
capital.
SBA wins only tepid support, even from the small business
community. NFIB found that.half of the firms it surve yed oppose
direct government 1oans;l two-thirds of these businesses have had
no contact with SBA at all. This evidence refutes those who claim
that the strength of America's small business sector is the result
of SBA programs. has been aided by SBA. Only a tiny fraction of
small business If Congress really wishes to assist small business,
it should tackle the real problems faced by
entrepreneurs--government red tape, a confusing and burdensome tax
system, and other barriers to business creation--rather tha n
wasting the tax dollars of would-be and existing small businessmen
on an agency that provides them with little or no real help.
SBA'S POOR LOAN RECORD The High Default Rate Some advocates of
SBA argue that it plays a key role in identifying promising new
firms, presumably overlooked by private sector funders, and
nurturing them to maturity. There is little evidence, however, that
SBA picks promising small businesses.
The default rate on SBA loan assistance has been high. In 1984,
for instance, 18 percent of firms receiving guaranteed 1 "Small
Business Evaluates SBA National.Federation of Independent Business
June 1984. 3 loans had to be bailed out by the government; this
costs taxpayers 544 million. In 1983 the default rate was 26.8
percent, and in 1982 it was 39.9 percent. There is little
justification for gambling tax money on a program that picks such a
high percentage of losers . Yet if qualifications for loans are so
tightened that only llsafell businesses'can obtain them, as the SBA
is attempting to do, then surely such businesses, with a little
persistence could obtain loans from private sources.
The SBA claims that the true r ate of dollar loss on invest
ments is only 6 percent. This is nothing to be proud of. But these
SBA figures do not accurately reflect the true dollar loss rate.
The SBA's 6 percent figure uses as a base the value of loans that
have reached maturity plus o u tstanding loans, and to calculate
the loss from defaults, the outstanding loans are all treated as
Ilgood loans,If even though they might, and often do default. An
examination of only those SBA loans that have reached maturity
yields a different picture. F or example, the loans made
between.1971-1974, when examined at maturity, showed a loss rate of
over 10 percent. The Office of Management and Budget projects the
loss rate on loans made between 1978-1981 to be 12 percent twice
the rate SBA asserts.2 Shunni n q Sunrise and Hiqh-Tech Industries
Some proponents of SBA loan assistance argue that, even though
assistance reaches just a tiny fraction of risk-prone businesses,
these firms, such as computer manufacturers and electronics firms,
are vital to the U.S. ec onomy. The facts do not support this
argument.
Of the 600,000 new businesses formed in 1983, less than 2
percent received any SBA assistance.3 Few of these are important
new high-tech companies that otherwise would not have been able to
obtain funds in the open market. Of the start-up businesses
receiving SBA assistance in 1983, less than 1 percent were involved
in new technologies. Between 1976 and 1982, the number of sunrise
firms in such fields as computer equipment, software, telecommuni
cations, offic e equipment, and medical instruments, soared by over
26,0
00. Of these, barely 600 received SBA loans.
Scrutiny of SBA loans reveals that nearly 60 percent go to
various retail and service businesses. Example: 16 percent of SBA
assistance in 1984 was chan neled into restaurants, bars liquor
stores, bowling alleys, pool halls, golf courses, tennis clubs, and
other entertainment businesses. While such enterprises provide
useful goods and services for the consumer, there is no David
Stockman, Testimony before the Senate Committee on Small Business
February 21, 1985 Rathole and Rabbit Hole The Wall Street Journal,
February 28, 1985, p 28 3 4 shortage of such businesses or of
private funds to finance them.
There is no evidence that these business sectors need federal
money. Viable new firms in such areas can easily obtain private
capital.
Doctors, dentists, lawyers, accountants, and other profes
sionals obtained nearly 7 percent of SBA loan assistance in 1984
With the average salary of a U.S. physician now over $100,000 and
the salaries of these other professionals also well above the
national average, there is no justification for their receiving
federal funds to start their businesses.
Many SBA loans are highly questionable by any standard.
Example: Show Worl d Center, Inc. acquired two loans from New
York investment companies, guaranteed by SBA, for operations that
included the sale of X-rated books, movies and magazines, live sex
acts, and performances by nude 'dancers. Example: Glen's for Men, a
Southern Ca lifornia chain of homosexually oriented bathhouses, was
backed by the SBA. Another business used $200,000 of its $1,000,000
SBA-assisted loan to purchase a 42-foot yacht.
Even Senator Lowell Weicker (R-CT one of SBA's strongest suppor
ters, admits that !IS BA is letting itself be ripped off, and the
taxpayer is footing the bill.tle It would be one thing if SBA's
losses and poor investments were the result of the agency's having
taken legitimate chances with innovative entrepreneurs. But this is
not the case . The SBA shuns firms producing goods or services that
are pathbreaking.
There are countless examples of innovative firms, trying to
market new products, that were turned down by the SBA for no
apparent reason, while coin-operated laundries obtained loans.
Last year Inc. Naqazine reported the trials of a firm which had
developed a promising anti-cancer device but was nearly ruined by
SBA's nine-month-long bureaucratic process The firm never did get
the loan despite meeting countless special requirements.
Ex-SBA offical, Jere Glover, confirms that this is in no way
atypical: "They [the SBA] have a problem with high technology
loans, and they know it rant, it' would have sailed right
through.It8 flaws in the agency. While its loss rate is high, the
SBA is, i n many ways, too cautious, shunning high-tech and new
sunrise industries in favor of more conventional retail businesses.
This If this had been a car wash or a restau The pattern of SBA
loan commitments points to the inherent I- 4 "Small Business Loans
Ai d 'Minority' Whites, the Rich, A Porn Film,"
The Wall Street Journal, June 8, 1982, p 1 Ibid As quoted in
"S.B.A Report, March 22, 1982, p. 11 Bo Burlingham Let Them Make
Mud Pies Inc July 1983, pp. 65-74 Ibid p. 66 A Ripe Target for Big
Ripoffs U.S. News and World 5 is not surprising since the qualities
that make a good business entrepreneur are not those that make a
good public sector bureau crat.'3 The entrepreneur breaks rules and
takes risks. The bureaucrat must adhere to agency rules and
policies and take care not to risk needlessly the public's tax
money. The bureaucrat also is susceptible to political pressures
and likely to make politically expedient but economically unwise
decisions.
Local bankers and other private institutions are clearly better
suited to make loan decisions concerning small businesses.
SBA does not promote innovation, nor does it do a good job at
promoting more pedestrian enterprises. The SBA loan program is
inherently flawed ments. The only responsible action is to scrap
the lo an assistance program It is not an issue of tightening loan
require Diverting Credit to Less Worthy Businesses Currently, the
fraction of 1 percent of businesses that do receive SBA loan
assistance diverts resources from more worthy businesses. To
qualify for SBA aid, a business must be turned down at least twice
by a private lending institution. If such a business wins an SBA
loan guarantee, any bank lending to that business is guaranteed
payment of 90 percent of the value of the loan in case of default.
T he business then seeks a private sector loan and will clearly be
given first chance at loan money by banks that understandably
welcome such federally insured low-risk investments.l" Thus the
guarantee encourages 'the bank to divert funds from businesses t
hat are sounder firms but have no SBA protection. The result: many
small and potentially successful businesses are locked out of the
cfedit market by SBA loan guarantees that favor other, probably
less successful, small firms.
HOW SMALL FIRMS OBTAIN CAPITAL Even if the SBA improved its
lending practices, it would not be the best vehicle to help
America's budding entrepreneurs.
Institutional loans, whether guaranteed by SBA or directed from
banks and other lending agencies, are simply not the primary source
of capital for small businesses. A National Federation of
Independent Business (NFIB) survey reveals that fewer than half of
the 3 percent of existing small businesses that have ever received
government aid relied on it as the primary source of See Ludwi g
von Mises Bureaucracy (Westport: Arlington House, 1969).
While the SBA loan program is of little benefit to small
businesses banks have profited handsomely is insured against
default by the government, banks can earn a return of up to 40
percent on the t ypical SBA guaranteed loan The Maverick
Moneylender The New Republic, February 10, 1982, p. 21 lo Since 90
percent of any given SBA loan See: Harold Bergan, 6 their capital.
For nearly 60 percent of America's small busi nesses, start-up
funds come from sa vings of the owners or those of their friends
and family.
This suggests that the best way to help new firms is to
encourage risk taking and to enable Americans to retain and save a
greater portion of their earnings. The further reduction or
elimination of capital gains taxes, for instance, would increase
savings greatly, while improving the return on investments in new
firms. This would make more capital available for both large and
small companies. And cutting personal taxes would allow indivi-
duals to k eep more money to invest in new business
enterprises.
By making private capital more available, these measures would
do far more to help small businesses than is accomplished by the
SBA.
SBA supporters maintain that those small businesses that require
loa ns often run into special problems that are allevia ted by SBA,
including scarce credit going mainly to large conglo merates,
difficulty in acquiring long-term credit, and higher interest rates
on their loans. Yet the Interagency Task Force on Small Busin e ss
Finance, formed by the Federal Reserve Board in 1982 to investigate
lending practices to small businesses, contra dicts these
statements. Loan approval rates for established small firms, the
Task Force discovered, were virtually the same as for large b u
sinesses over the survey period. Moreover, the interest rates
charged to small businesses were generally no higher than those
charged to large businesses.ll These findings were later
corroborated by a National Federa tion of Independent Business
study, wh i ch concludes that it was very rare for small businesses
to pay interest rates of more than 2 points over prime.12 Even more
important, the NFIB members--all of whom are small businesses--did
not cite long-term credit financing as a particularly burdensome
problem; of 72 factors impinging upon a firm's business,
unavailability of long-term credit was not even ranked in the top
half. This directly contra dicts the rationale for the SBA.
It is true that most studies have found a slight difference in
the rates charged to small and large businesses (anywhere from 1 to
2.75 percentage points). This alone, however, is no reason for the
SBA to exist. Such differential treatment of small and large
businesses, after all, is consistent with sound lending practices
an d does not signal any market imperfection requiring fine-tuning
by government bureaucrats. Large businesses are the beneficiaries
of preferential interest rates because they are l1 Cynthia Glassman
and Peter Strulk, "Survey of Commercial Bank Lending to Sm all
Business," The Interagency Task Force on Small Business Finance
Federal Reserve System Studies on Small Business Finance, 1982, p.
8.
As quoted by Michael Abrahams Fall Review for the Director of
OMB--1983 1983, p. 2 l2 7 proved successes in the market place,
with demonstrated managerial skills, and the ability to write off
losses through diversification In short, they pose less risk for
the lender. By contrast, small business ventures, though vital to a
growing economy, are inherent ly more risky; 99 p e rcent of all
business failures are firms of less than 100 employees.13 the cost
of a loan. The SBAIs own data reveal that during the 1976-1980
period (the most recent data available) the four-year survival rate
for large firms was over 20 percent higher t h an the rate for
firms of 0-20 employees.14 The differences in interest rates
charged to small and large businesses, therefore, reflect a
rational.response to risk, not a market imperfection And risk is a
central determinant of OTHER SBA MYTHS In addition to SBAIs poor
record in stimulating the Creation of small businesses in America,
proponents of the agency cite supposed benefits accruing from SBA
that turn out to be myths.
Among them 1 SBA loans help If import-impacted" industries.
Amid recent speculation over the effect of the strong dollar on
domestic production and the more general fear of imports flooding
U.S. markets, some claim that SBA loans cushion foreign
competition. This argument is without merit. For one thing, the
feder a l government already has at least three programs aesigned
to shield industries from ltharmfullt foreign competition. For
another thing, there is little evidence that SBA assistance has
actually been targeted toward ltimport-impactedll industries. Over
thr e e-quarters of SBA loans in 1984 went to firms in industries
whose activities have nothing to do with international trade And
when the Office of Management and Budget (Om) identified the twelve
industries hardest hit by international competition in 1984, i t
found that they received less than one-half of 1 percent of SBA's
loan portfolio.ls 2) SBA loans generate employment.
Proponents of the SBA claim that as many as 350,000 new jobs
have been generated by firms receiving SBA assistance.16 This
ignores two k ey aspects of the job generation process. First, in
the aggregate, the net effect of public spending and guarantees on
job generation almost always has been found to be negative The
State of Small Business, A Report of the President, Government
Printing O ffice. March 19
84. D 36. I* l4 Ibid pp. 70-
71. Stockman, op. cit p 16. Senator Lowell Weicker,
Congressional Record, 99th Congress, First Session, Vol. 131, No.
27, Part 11, March 7, 1985 8 Public spending typically eliminates
at least as many jobs as i t creates, since it can only help one
group of firms by.imposing job-destroying taxes on another group.
Private credit diverted to SBA otherwise would have gone to more
credit-worthy businesses generating at least an equal number of
jobs. Second, the 350, 0 00 job creation figure assumes that none
of the firms that received SBA assistance would have gone into
business had it not been for the availability of the government's
aid. This is demonstrably erroneous, since a large number of firms
turned down for SB A loans eventually received financing elsewhere
and thus went into business anyway.
There are employment generation policies, such as reducing
regulation, business taxes, and government spending, which are far
more efficient for the government to pursue than is a selective
loan program 3) SBA disaster loans help the economy.
The SBA disaster loan program is designed to provide emergency
loans to small businesses damaged by physical or non-physical
disasters. The physical disaster component is a $500 million
program covering floods, windstorms, and similar catastrophes.
This hardly seems a federal government responsibility. The
prudent businessman should secure private insurance to protect his
investment. In fact, the vast majority do so. The disaster loan
program merely allows firms to avoid insurance costs. The SBA
disaster loan program, moreover, duplicates the serbices offered by
other government agencies, such as the Federal Emergency Management
Administration.
Some may argue that federal physical disa ster assistance is
justified under certain circumstances. This surely is not the case
with the reasons for non-physical disaster aid, such as changing
market conditions. Example: A sporting goods stores experiencing
declining sales of ski equipment due to a lack of snow qualified
for an SBA loan. Example: Gift Shops, boat chartering companies,
and hot tub emporiums in South Florida have received aid when they
claimed that the tourist industry had been harmed by the sudden
influx of Cuban refugees. Example: The devaluation of the Mexican
peso qualified U.S. businesses near the border for SBA loans. l2
Such loans are disguised subsidies that force the U.S taxpayers to
underwrite business losses resulting from normal business risks
and, in many cases, poor bus i ness judgment. Since on-physical
disasterll is such a vague category, and since the SBA cannot
possibly assist every firm harmed by such lldisasters,ll lZ "SBA
Entrenched as Petty Cash Drawer The Washington Post, February 11
1985, p. 1. 9 the standards fo r selecting recipients are often
arbitrary and political.
One particularly curious form of llnon-physical disaster
assistance is for shall businesses that suffer losses due to direct
government action.lI This has included suppliers of farm equipment
who su ffer losses thanks to government programs paying farmers not
to grow food government programs to be officially recognized as
Ildisasters a more sensible approach would be to eliminate such
damaging pro grams, rather than compensate businesses for the prob
lems they cause While it may be fitting for such SBA also provides
low-interest loans to cover farm disasters.
These overlap with the Department of Agriculture's Farmers Home
Administration assistance programs. This duplication allows farmers
to shop aroun d for the lower interest rate, usually selecting the
SBA eliminate interest inequities and consolidate farm relief
programs in the Department of Agriculture, where they belong
Terminating SBA farm disaster loans would 4) SBA management
assistance is essen tial to the health of American small
business.
The SBA Management Assistance Program of SBA operates 36
development centers in 33 states at a cost of $28.5 million
annually. These centers are supposed to offer information and
assistance to small businesses An NFIB survey, however, found that
only 10 percent of small businesses said they would go first to the
SBA for such advice. Most prefer to check with other businessmen or
private consultants. Further, the services provided by these SBA
centers are avail a ble in abundance from private consultants,
colleges, universities, and business schools. This SBA program is
still another example of a service provided quite adequately by the
market--yet duplicated by the federal government and not even
extensively util ized by the constituency it is meant to serve.
THE CASE FOR SBA'S OFFICE OF ADVOCACY The Office of Advocacy
researches the impact of federal government policies on small
business and speaks inside government for the interests of small
business. This functi on should be retained and could be by
transferring the office to the Department of Commerce. Many
government policies benefit one sector of American business at the
expense of others. Small entrepreneurs understandably have less
political clout than huge c orporations. Without an
institutionalized voice speaking for small business within the
government, the burden of unwise federal programs could easily fall
disproportionately on the shoulders of small companies. 10 I
CONCLUSION The SBA helps so few busines s es that its elimination
would have no effect on America's small business sector. Some 99.8
percent of all small U.S. businesses get along well without SBA
financial assistance. The Reagan budget proposal calls for complete
elimination of SBA. Some advocat e s have suggested that SBA merely
be reformed or that funding be reduced but not elimi nated. This
approach ignores three vital points 1) SBA has been claiming for
the last four years that it is cleaning house today it is as bad as
ever 2) Since SBA is con ceptually flawed it diverts credit from
more worthy businesses to a handful of risky enterprises that find
favor with federal bureaucrats--no reform short of termination will
serve the public interest.
If SBA funding is cut back but not eliminated, it will not be
long before legislators, seeking pork barrel favors for their
business friends, will manage to restore the cut funds I 3 The SBA
is not vital to small business and is a waste of billions of
taxpayers' dollars. The sooner SBA is eliminated the bett er it
wil1,be for American small business.
Edward L. Hudgins, Ph.D.
Walker Fellow in Economics Stephen Moore Research Associate