March 2, 2006 | Commentary on Russia
On March 6, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov will visit Washington to discuss the Middle East. March 3, a high-ranking delegation of Hamas will visit Moscow at President Vladimir Putin's invitation, to meet with Lavrov. A coincidence?
Russia aggressively courts Iran and Hamas. Last week, Russia negotiated in Tehran on establishing a uranium-enrichment joint venture, which will supply nuclear reactor fuel to the Islamic Republic.
Moscow claimed success, while Iran conditioned the deal on security guarantees. It is unclear if Teheran will agree to inspection of all its nuclear sites, which should be the only option acceptable to the International Atomic Energy Agency.
In recent weeks, Russia has distanced itself from common positions with the U.S. and the European Union on the Middle East. During Mr. Lavrov's visit, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice should inform her Russian counterpart that Moscow's actions in the Middle East are jeopardizing its presidency of the group of eight (G-8) leading industrial nations, its position in the Middle East Quartet, and its international role.
Similar to the Soviet era, Russia seeks to maximize its policy options in the Middle East, while restraining U.S. space for maneuver. The Soviet Union, and later Russia, have joined Iran in demanding that the U.S. withdraw militarily from the Persian Gulf, where it ensures the security of the world's prime oil supply and shipping lanes. A nuclear-armed Iran, allied with and armed by Russia and China, could become a regional challenger hostile to the U.S., its interests, and its allies in the region.
Today, Russia is the lead supplier for Iran's civilian nuclear efforts, while ignoring that country's military nuclear program. In December 2005, Russia announced it would sell Iran $700 million worth of TOR-M1 (SA-15) short-range surface to air missiles, and is now reportedly negotiating a sale of long-range anti-aircraft SA-10s (known by their Russian designation S-300). Buttressed by radars and computers, these missile systems could be arrayed in a nationwide air defense system, rendering future disarming air strikes all but impossible.
Russia also sold Iran a $1.2 billion nuclear reactor, Bushehr, to be completed in the fall of 2006. Russia plans to supply Iran as many as five more reactors at a cost of $8 billion to $10 billion, which can be used to produce fissile material for a nuclear weapons program.
Russia has trained hundreds of Iranian nuclear physicists and engineers, provided Tehran with ballistic missile technology, and launched an Iranian spy satellite. However, an Iran armed with nuclear missiles makes little sense for Moscow as it is likely to throw its weight around in Russia's own "back yard" -- the Caucasus, Central Asia and the oil-rich Caspian basin. By extension, Russia's actions placate Islamist extremists throughout the Middle East.
In February 2006, President Putin invited Hamas leaders to Moscow amid declarations Russia never saw Hamas as a terrorist organization and that Hamas' election was a great failure of President Bush's foreign policy.
Coddling Hamas, without securing a complete renunciation of terror and recognition of Israel, is nothing less than appeasing a terrorist organization responsible for the deaths of hundreds of innocent civilians and the conditioning of thousands of children as young as 4 to become suicide bombers. Russian Chief of General Staff Yuri Baluyevsky has suggested Moscow sell weapons to the Palestinian Authority, headed by Hamas.
Coming from Russia, which has suffered atrocities and hundreds of civilian losses at the Beslan school and Dubrovka theater in Moscow, this legitimization of Hamas is self-defeating.
Appeasement will undoubtedly invite Islamist aggression against Russia, especially given expanding Islamist insurgencies in Chechnya and elsewhere in North Caucasus and a growing Muslim population throughout the country.
Russia has broken with the joint position of the Quartet (which includes the U.S., U.N, the EU and Russia) that forbids negotiations with Hamas or assistance to a Hamas-ruled Palestinian Authority until it renounces terrorism, respects past agreements, including the Road Map, and recognizes Israel.
Mr. Putin also broke with the West by suggesting the media practice self-censorship in view of the row over the publication of the Prophet Muhammad cartoons. Russian authorities have already closed down two newspapers that published innocuous cartoons calling people of all faiths to be tolerant.
Russia is pursuing a course detrimental to the solidarity and coordination of the G-8 and the stability of the Middle East. By selling nuclear reactors and weapons to Iran, Russia is empowering it to become a regional hegemon and restrict U.S. access to the Persian Gulf.
Negotiating with Hamas makes Russia a co-equal party alongside the U.S. and placates radical Islamic forces. Providing arms to Iran and Syria, stirs regional instability, driving up oil prices, and benefiting Russia as an oil exporter.
The time for aiding and abetting Iran and Hamas, while paying lip service to solidarity with the West, is over. During Mr. Lavrov's visit, Washington needs to clarify that Russia's long-term interests will suffer if solidarity with the West is broken.
Miss Rice has to tell Mr. Lavrov that Moscow is jeopardizing its role as a bona fide Quartet member and its presidency of the G-8 if it stakes out a quasi-Soviet Middle Eastern foreign policy.
Ariel Cohen is research fellow for Russian and Eurasian studies at the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies at the Heritage Foundation.
First appeared in the Washington Times