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August 20, 1985 THE UNITED NATIONS AT 40 121 WAYS TO IMPROVE INTR ODUCTION That the United Nations suffers from serious shortcomings is now admitted by nearly all observers of the world body as it marks its 40th anniversary. U.N. Secretary General Javier Perez de Cuellar Analyzing these-shortcomings and assessing the op e rations, programs and policies of the U.N. have been aims of The Heritage Foundation's United Nations Assessment Project. During the past three years, the project's findings have been published in more than 60 separate studies, with several dozen more sch eduled for publication repeatedly has pointed to failings that the U.N. must overcome.
I The studies seek to address three key questions 1) Has the United Nations been fulfilling the mission set by the U.N. charter 2) Has the United Nations been helping th ose nations and communities most in need 3) Has the United Nations been serving American national interests, in the broadest sense, enough to justify the energies and resources (including more than $1 billion in taxpayer funds) that the U. S. annually con t ributes negatively. To remedy this, the studies have offered nearly 200 recommendations for changes in U.N. policies, programs, and actions or changes in U.S. policy to the U.N. A number of these recommendations such as the U.S. withdrawal from the U.N. E d ucational, Scientific and Too often the Heritage studies find these questions answered Cultural Organization (UNESCO a more assertive posture in the U.N promoting U.S. and Western interests, and a more thorough enforcement of legislation prohibiting U.S. f unding of any U.N. program that directly or indirectly aids the Palestine Liberation Organization already have been adopted by the U.S. Congress or the Reagan Administration. In all,.the recommendations provide a possible road map for guiding the U.N. bac k on course.
Among the most important U.N. Assessment Project recommendations THE U.N. AND INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT I I 1. In 1983, the U.S. contributed more than $540 million to U.N agencies involved in international Itdevelopment activities should inves tigate whether these agencies, whose policies oppose free enterprise and increase state's role in economy, may actually be discouraging development 33 Congress 2. Congress should suspend U.S. participation in U.N. Iteconomic In recent decades, U.N. progra m s have concentrated almost development" programs until they are revised to take account of strategies which historically have encouraged economic development and growth solely on attacking free enterprise economies and on advocating wealth redistribution i nstead of wealth creation the free market strategies that have propelled economic growth (45 people move from poverty to higher living standards. But American assistance should require the recipient country to demonstrate a genuine effort to pursue econom i c growth The programs have ignored 3. The U.S. can and should assist countries trying to help their 47 4. The major donors to the United Nations Development Program UNDP) should demand expanded and improved evaluation procedures to ensure that their contr i butions are appropriately spent evaluation also could help UNDP reassert its coordination of the work of various U.N. specialized agencies and increase UNDP's exchange of ideas and data with bilateral aid agencies, such as the U.S. Agency for Internationa l Development 52 Such 5. The U.S. should work closely with donors and recipients working to strengthen UNDP. More manpower should be devoted to examining and assessing UNDP progress in particular nations. More Further discussion of each recommendation can b e found in the publications of The Heritage Foundation United Nations Assessment Project. The numbers following the recommendations refer to a chronological listing of these publications which appears in the Appendix to this paper 2emphasis should be plac e d as well on steering UNDP away from its dependence on public sector solutions to problems of development 52 HUMAN RIGHTS 6. Because the U.N. has established a distressing double standard in the area of human rights, Congress should examine whether the U. S . portion 25 percent) of the $28 million spent by the U.N directly on human rights activities would be better spent if it were given to private institutions (such as Freedom House), which.publicize and promote the cause of those suffering human rights abu s es 57 7. The U.S. should use financial leverage to influence'the voting at the U.N. on human rights issues by recipients of U.S. aid such as Algeria, India, Mexico, Panama, and Peru-all members of the Commission on Human Rights. These states have consiste n tly voted to accuse Israel and other U.S. allies of human rights violations, but not the Soviet Union, Syria or other proven violators 3 8. U.S. officials, as well as nongovernmental organizations Such U.N. bodies as the Special should press U.N. official s to take action against human rights violations anywhere in the world.
Committee on the Implementation of the Declaration of Decolonization (Committee of 24) and the Commission on Human Rights routinely ignore human rights abuses in countries under Soviet domination, China Syria, India, and many others 3 9. The U.S. should use the U.N. to confront Soviet human rights I abuses 38 lo. Congress should direct the State Department to suspend U.S participation in United Nations human rights programs until the U . N ends the political bias and double standard that have characterized these programs in the past decade I 45 POLITICIZATION AT THE U.N politicization that affects every U.N. agency and program continued use of technical agencies to further particular poli t ical agendas is unacceptable 6 11. The U.S. Congress should investigate the pattern of This 3U.N. PEACEKEEPING 12. Americans should be wary of crediting the U.N. with peacekeeping llsuccessesll that the U.N. has not achieved 13 13. The U.N. cannot claim c redit for peacemaking in an area such as Afghanistan when it has not made the peace nor kept the peace.
Those seeking evidence of achievement to justify the U.NO1s existence and cost must look elsewhere 19 14. The Executive Branch and Congress should concl ude that the U.N. record for peacekeeping and peacemaking has been so dismal that the U.S. cannot look to the U.N. as a reliable or significant vehicle for achieving world peace 45 REFUGEES 15. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR prog rams should be monitored more closely by the U.S., its major donor and changes should be made when such allegations prove true.
Allegations of possible politicization should be investigated 29 l
6. Unless UNHCR camps in Honduras or elsewhere truly meet th e needs of refugees, the U.S. should stop funding the UNHCR and rechannel the money into alternate and more effective refugee programs 29 17. The U.S. should require cooperation between the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees and the U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees. This will help to protect the Palestinian refugees.
UNRWA lacks the right to offer security and to be the legal protector of refugees 39 l
8. The U.N. should impose on UNRWA the high standards of accountability accepted b y the UNHCR with respect to the use of funds 39 Unlike the United Nations High.Commissioner for Refugees 19. Part of the U.S. contribution to UNRWA should be earmarked for improved and more permanent housing facilities to be purchased by camp residents 39 20. UNRWA cooperation with the PLO must be strictly monitored to assure that no UNRWA funds or facilities are used for PLO terrorist activities. (39 4 21. The U.S. contribution to UNRWA should not exceed the Arab contribution In 1982 the U.S. contributed $ 64 million, while the Arab states gave only $14.4 million 39 22. A portion of the U.S. contribution to UNRWA should be earmarked for studies regarding potential development projects for Palestinian refugees to be conducted by the U.N. Development Program 3 9 THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 23. The General Assembly, in the past decade, has become infused with an anti-American, anti-Western, and anti-democratic political culture. This situation should be .well publicized 49 24. Washington should send U.S. representative s to only a few General Assembly sessions. A selected boycott would express well the U.S. disdain for what the General Assembly has become should also consider downgrading its General Assembly delegation instead of being top-heavy with ambassadors, it shou l d contain solely junior State Department officers refuses to function responsibly, the U.S. should not treat it as if it were responsible 44 The U.S So long as the General Assembly U.S. FINANCIAL CONTRIBUTION TO THE U.N 25. In 1985, the U.S. will spend $1 billion on the U.N. Since 1945, U.S. contributions to the organization have totalled over $15 billion it spends on the U.N.? This is a question that the Reagan Administration and the U.S. public must address 15 Is the U.S. getting any value for the resour c es and energy 26. The United States should apply pressure on the U.N. to control the expansion of its budget 27. Congress should request the General Accounting Office to determine whether the U.S. receives any financial benefit from its United Nations mem b ership. Though U.N. officials claim that there is benefit to the U.S., the figures commonly cited have been proved unreliable 45 38 28. Congress should require the U.N. to submit its budgets and budgetary process to a thorough audit by the General Account ing Office. The U.N. budget is so out of control that only the respected GAO can assure the American people that their contribution to the U.N is being spent in accordance with U.S. law 45 I #
29. The U.S. should examine the possibility of increasing its leverage in the U.N. by using its financial contribution selectively.
This would involve ending funding for agencies that become ineffective and stray from their agendas, while maintaining and possibly increasing funding-of those that remain true to their original goals 41 AMERICAN EMPLOYMENT AT THE U.N I I1 30. The U.S. should consider cutting its funding to U.N agencies that do not raise the level of U.S. staffing to a level that more closely approximates the percentage of the U.S. contribution to U.N. f u nding 11 quality of Americans it recommends for U.N. staffs. Greater attention should be given to their past service and training, as well as their ambitions and motives for "international service.11 (11 31. The State Department should give higher priorit y to the 32. Congress should require the Secretary of State to report annually on the progress of a more assertive program for increasing American representation on U.N. staffs 11 33. The U.S. should seek to place Ame"ricans at high levels on some of those U.N. departments which have come under Soviet control.
These include Personnel, Conference Services, Office of Legal Affairs and Department of Public Information. The U.S. should also seek to replace the Soviet head of the U.N. library with an American 25 CONTINUED U.S. MEMBERSHIP IN THE U.N 34. The United States cannot continue with business as usual at the U.N. If the U.S. is to remain a United Nations member, Washington must begin working for measures designed to blunt the threats posed by the U.N. Thi s means substantially reducing the politicization of the U.N. system, preventing the General Assembly from globalizing local issues, and denying terrorists the legitimacy and support they obtain by association with the U.N. (18, 44 1983, called for an imme diate review of U.S. participation in the U.N.
There also should be a study of the U.N.'s violations of its Charter and of its parliamentary structure.
U.N.'s 'failure to promote social improvement and economic growth 35. P.L. 98-164, enacted by Congress and signed into law in Investigated too should be the 41 36. As a possible substitute for the U.N., the U.S. should 6consider convening an international body of the industrial democracies and those states committed to building a democratic society, who are willing to cooperate on a limited number of issues 18 37. Among the reforms required for continued U.S. membership in the U.N. is that the U.NO1s techn i cal agencies must deal exclusively with technical matters 18 38. The United States should consider plans to move the United Nations headquarters outside the U.S. (41 THE U.N AND ISRAEL 39. Congress should ensure that PL-241 which it enacted in August 1982 , is enforced. This requires that the U.S. withhold all of its contributions to the U.N. for I1projects whose primary purpose is to provide political benefits to the PLO or entities associated with it.I1 (55 40. If the U.N. does not cease harassing Israel, the U.S. should consider boycotting General Assembly discussions on the Middle East 14 41. The U.S. should continue to protest the politicization of 42. The U.S. should take action to oppose the International U.N. specialized agencies and their unfair att a cks on Israel. (14 Conference on the Question of Palestine, including withholding-funds 14 43. Congress should hold hearings to determine exactly how U.S funds are spent in support of the Palestine Liberation Organization 14 44. The U.S. should oppose att a cks on Israel anywhere in the U.N. system 38 SOVIET MANIPULATION OF THE UNITED NATIONS 45. The U.S. should oppose in the strongest manner Soviet attempts to compromise the impartiality of the Secretariat. (21 46. Reports of U.N. Secretariat employees coop erating with governments, in violation of Article 100 of the U.N. Charter, should be investigated and offenders punished 21 7 I #
47. All cases of Secretariat employee harassment and discrimination on political grounds should be vigorously opposed by the U .S. (21 48. Soviet violations of U.N. procedures-including documented incidents of misuse of rules, altering documents, stalling reports manufacturing statistics-should be condemned 21 49. The U.S. should press for U.N. recognition of the independence of E stonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and the Ukraine. (21 50. The U.S. should demand that the USSR occupy only one seat at the U.N., as the U.S. does, instead of the three seats Moscow now holds 25 51. The U.S. should freeze its contribution to the U.N. until the'p r actice of secondment, or fixed term appointments, applies to less than one-third of the total Soviet staff temporary appointments allows the Soviets to loan their personnel to the U.N. This means they technically remain employees of the USSR which is cont r ary to the intent of Article 100 of the U.N. Charter which mandated an international civil service 25 This practice of 52. Congress should recommend that the U.S. withhold the same proportion of its U.N. contribution as does the Soviet Union. The USSR is i n arrears nearly $200 million As such, the U.S., which pays twice as much to the U.N. in assessed contributions, should withhold 400 million until the Soviet Union settles its account 25 53. The U.S. -should demand that the U.N. accept Soviet payments onl y in convertible currency, rather than in the nonconvertible rubles with which Moscow now pays 25 UNITED NATIONS-BASED ESPIONAGE 54. The U.S. should enforce P.L. 357, enacted in 1947, to ensure that the FBI and other law enforcement agencies take steps to p rotect U.S. military and industrial secrets from Soviet and other spies using the U.N. as cover for their operations. This law states in section 6 that %othing in the (U.N. Headquarters) Agreement shall be construed as in any.way diminishing, abridging or weakening the right of the United States to safeguard its own security Il This section further states that the Headquarters Aqreement in no way denies the U.S. the right Itcompletely to -control entrance of aliens into any territory of the U.S. other than the headquarters district and its inimediate vicinity. I 60 55. FBI forces should be expanded to cope with the large number of Soviet-bloc diplomats at the U.N. headquarters in Manhattan. (21 8 56. The U.S. should attempt to reduce the size of the Eastern bloc and other communist missions in New York. (21 Ii 57. The U.S. could seek to curtail the travel privileges of U.N personnel from countries on the State Department's flrestrictedll list which includes the USSR 25 Missions to the U.N. in New York 25 58. The U.S. could seek to limit the size of the three Soviet 59. The FBI should be given additional funds for surveillance of Soviets connected with the U.N. The FBI should coordinate its efforts with other intelligence services (including the New York Polic e Department's intelligence section) to pool information related to U.N personnel and Soviet activities through the U.N. FBI performance, moreover, should be monitored through the Eoreign Intelligence Advisory Board or some other appropriate administrative body 25 U.N. FUNDING OF MARXISTS AND TERRORISTS 60. There should be a full investigation by the General Accounting Office and the U.S. Congress to discover how much of the U.S. contribution to the U.N. is funneled to various "national liberation movements 2 contributions to U.N.-sponsored terrorist groups by amending the U.N.
Participation Act of 1945 or the State Department Service Act to include an absolute ban on U.S. funds for such groups 2 6l. Congress could avoid the annual argument over cutting U.S 62. Congress should extend P.L. 98-164, Section 114, to cover all Soviet-backed %ational liberation movements" recognized by the U.N. The law currently only bars U.S. funds for U.N. programs that help promote the South West Africa People's Organization an d the Palestine Liberation Organization 25 THE NEW WORLD INFORMATION ORDER 63. The U.S. should oppose the U.N.'s call for a New World Information Order and the International Programme for the Development of Communication (IPDC In their place, the U.S. shou l d propose a free market communications development strategy that addresses legitimate Third World needs 12 64. The U.S. and the West should forge a strategy to ensure that Third World states acquire modern communications technology and a free I 9press, an d that free and independent journalists have fair access to information and audiences 12 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC ORDER 65. Congress should investigate the forces at the U.N. that promote the so-called New International Economic Order (NIEO), a strat e gy hostile to the West and to free market economic development 8 66. Americans should demand that all U.S. tax dollars supporting NIEO be cut off 8 67. The U.S. must.provide a powerful free enterprise alternative to NIEO--a Freedom in Free Enterprise stra t egy for free market development in the developing world be raised by the'U.S. at every available U.N. Once devised, this plan should I forum 10 68. A free enterprise ideological counterattack must be formulated to oppose NIEO, explaining that it is empty r hetoric offering no chance of economic growth to the Third World 12 69. Free economic development strategies must be advanced by the U.S. as an alternative to many of the quasi-statist programs such as NIEO. While the U.S. cannot dictate the course of Thi r d World economic transformation, it should make known its strong endorsement for the private enterprise option 48 U.N. EDUCATIONAL, SCIENTIFIC AND CULTURAL ORGANIZATION (UNESCO 70. The United States has two basic options with regard to UNESCO: to make a s e rious effort to improve things or get out two options should be combined. The United States should announce formally its intention to withdraw from UNESCO in one year unless there are substantial changes in the organization policy approach will succeed'in making UNESCO a less objectionable organization is not certain in 1984. (20, 56 These Whether this If it does not, the U.S. should withdraw 71. As long as Amadou-Mahtar MIBOW remains as Director-General of UNESCO, real reform is unattainable. reform will b e to remove him and replace him with a person of proved ability and stature 27 A precondition for such 72. U.S. withdrawal from UNESCO at the end of 1984 is justified in light of the General Accounting Office's audit, which reveals a grossly mismanaged or g anization 34 10 73. The U.S. should withdraw from UNESCO as planned on December 31, 1984 61 UNITED NATIONS DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC INFORMATION (DPI 74. The Congress should demand that the U.N. obey the law by ceasing lobbying activities before Congress. Addi tionally, the U.S.
Congress should cut off all support for nongovernmental organizations that lobby Congress. (23 75. Congress should stop all U.S. funding of DPI activities that promote the interests of the Palestine Liberation Organization SWAPO and othe r terrorist groups 23 76. If the DPI, through its publications and broadcasts, is not willing to offer a balanced and unbiased interpretation of policies and events and to demonstrate an ability to order priorities and accurately measure program effective n ess, the U.S. Congress should withhold a portion of the U.S. contribution to the U.N. Secretariat in an amount colnmensurate with the U.S. portion of the DPI annual budget 23 INTERNATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION (ILO 77. The ILO's human rights machine should b e operated evenhandedly same vigor that it displays against Argentina and Chile. (46 It should scrutinize communist labor practices with the 78. Politicai attacks in the ILO on Israel should be strongly opposed 46 79. Unless the ILO Directorate prevents t h e Organization from advocating authoritarian solutions to social and economic problems continued membership of the U.S. will be of dubious merit 46 80. ILO technical assistance should be confined to areas in which the ILO is competent 46 Sl. Washington sh ould monitor ILO activities more carefully.
Few in the U.S. government or in labor or management have any real knowledge of the ILO's technical assistance work 46 11 WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION (WHO 82. For humanitarian as well as for pragmatic reasons, the U.S should keep supporting WHO 51 83. The West has a political responsibility to WHO to quietly and persistently insist that the Organization adhere to its technical mandate and resist attempts to politicize it 51 84. The West, and particularly the U.S sh o uld help WHO create mechanisms whereby corporations can make their views known to the organization and work with it when possible 51 UNICEF 85. UNICEF alone among U.N. agencies can muster consensus among nations to improve the state of nutrition, sanitati o n, and health of the world's children. UNICEF can do this only if it remains true to the specific humanitarian task for which it was established. It cannot do this if it becomes politicized by the kind of anti-Western anti-free market rhetoric and ideolog y that have limited and, in some cases, destroyed other organizations within the U.N. (17 86. The U.S. Congress should look closely at any UNICEF expenditures for purposes other than those stated in its mandate 17 87. Congress should seek a detailed accoun t of. UNICEF's financial and administrative relationships with nongovernmental organizations 17 88. Congress should seek information on the use of UNICEF funds for the publication of political materials and for instruction in political agenda 17 U.N. CONFE R ENCE ON TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT (UNCTAD 89. The U.S. must reconsider its membership in UNCTAD, an organization that not only is anti-West, but is inimical to the economic development of poor nations 24 90. At UNCTAD, the U.S. should talk more specifically a b out what strategies have worked and which have failed in developing countries 12 91. If UNCTAD really wants to spur development, it must study those two decades 35 countries that have succeeded and failed economically Over the past 92. The U.S. should wor k with.its allies to exercise greater control over UNCTAD's Secretariat and the organization 47 93. The U.S. should discuss with developing countries the positions they are taking in UNCTAD and attempt to convince them that UNCTADIs strategy should be chan ged to foster economic growth.
Through these discussions, the U.S. may be able to bring pressure on what has been UNCTADIs unresponsive leadership and Secretariat. (47 THE FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION (FAO 94. For FA0 to be effective, the U.S. must pr ess the FA0 to encourage, much more than it has, the role of the private sector 50 95. The U.S. should consider making its contributions to FA0 dependent upon the agency's willingness to undertake serious evaluations, establish specific project goals and m ilestones, and create a role for the private sector in the agricultural development activities of the U.N. (50 UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE ON WOMEN 96. President Reagan should state that the U.S. will not participate in the Nairobi U.N. Conference on Women i f the Conference becomes unacceptably politicized 37 97. The U.S. should support Kenya's determination to keep the Conference nonpolitical 37 98. On the eve of the Nairobi Conference, President Reagan should renew his warning that, if nations insist on po l iticizing the agenda, the U.S. will withdraw 62 LAW OF THE SEA TREATY 99. The U.S. should refuse to sign the Draft Convention of the Sea Law Treaty as it now stands, and should'actively seek an alternative regime that would allow, in cooperation with othe r nations, true freedom of access to the sea and its many valuable resources 5 13 loo. With the U.S. rejecting the Law of the Sea Treaty and further participation in any of its bodies, the time is right for the President to assert U.S. leadership and to pr o claim a National Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ extending 200 miles into the coastal waters of the U.S. and its territories and claiming jurisdiction Over resources that are rightfully the United States' to own and economic activities that are properly the U nited States' to control 54 U.N. CONVENTION ON THE INTERNATIONAL SALE OF GOODS lOl. The Senate should proceed with extreme caution in the ratification process for the U.N. Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods, and.should not ratify t his C nvention until significant questions have been answered. These include concern over the propriety of preempting through U.N. treaty the role of states in regulating international contracts, as well as the increased complication of businessmen's live s which results from the Convention's approach of creating separate legal rules for domestic and international transactions 26 l
02. Greater participation by the American private sector should be encouraged for future negotiations of treaties such as this 26 INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY IO30 The United States should continue to oppose changes in the Paris Convention for the Protection of Industrial (sic) Property. One sure way to discourage investment in developing countries, transfer of technology, and economic d evelopment is to remove the kind of major incentive provided by patent guarantees 7 THE U.N. AND OUTER SPACE lo40 The U.S. should quit the U.N. Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COPUOS) until substantial reforms are made so that the Committee functions in accord with its charter 36 lo50 The U.S. should refuse to sign the Moon Treaty and oppose By contrast, Washington should continue cooperating all encroachments of "New International Economic Order" language in U.N. resolutions bilaterally wit h Third World nations on space-related technical and scientific matters 36 14 U.N.'S ROLE IN DISARMAMENT I lO
6. The U.S. should participate only at the lowest level in United Nations disarmament conferences and activities until U.N agencies demonstrate th at their purpose is to seek global arms reduction, conventional as well as nuclear, and not simply to serve as forums for denouncing U.S. and NATO security policies 45 MULTINATIONAL CORPORATIONS 1
07. The U.S. Mission to the U.N. must be prepared better t o deal with issues affecting.the overseas activities of U.S multinational corporations. In particular the U. So mission 'should have increased contact with industry experts familiar with allegedly consumer issues raised at the U.N. (9 lO
8. The U.S. shoul d try to coordinate with its allies a unified position on negotiations for the various codes proposed by the U.N. to regulate the multinationals 9 log. The U.S. should stop participating in negotiations for a U.N. Code of Conduct for Transnational Corpora t ions. The aim of the code clearly is to perpetuate an anti-free enterprise view of the multinational corporation in the developing world 33 llO. The Consress should consider withholdins the U.S. share of U.N. funding for the Center on Transnational Corpos ations so long as this organization remains hostile to the free enterprise system 33 1
11. Congress should consider requiring publication in the Federal Recrister of all U.N. actions inflicting burdens on U.S business 33 U.N PENSIONS 1
12. Congress should investigate the extravagances of the U.N pension system.. The U.S. taxpayer should not be underwriting U.N civil servant pensions far more generous than those paid to retired U.S. government civil servants 32 AFGHANISTAN 1
13. The U.S. should continue supporting U.N. peace efforts in Afghanistan only if they provide full protection and guarantees to the 15 - Afghan freedom fighters who have resisted, and the refugees who have fled, Soviet aggression 59 THE WAR OF IDEAS 1
14. The U.S. should use the U.N. podium to remind the world's nations of the excellent record of free enterprise 6 1
15. Evidence that U.N. staff or officials tamper with data and 6 1
16. The U.S. must resist the tnsemantic infiltration" to which statistic s of U.N. reports should be exposed by the U.S. Washington should cut off funds to organizations engaged in such practices it often succumbs, adopting the language of..its adversaries in describing political reality. Example: the U.S. should stop referrin g to terrorist groups,such as the PLO and SWAP0 as '!national liberation movements I' (6 1
17. Nations receiv.ing U.S. foreign aid should be held accountable for their behavior in the United Nations. A nation's voting record at the U.N. can and should be made a factor in determining whether it will receive U.S. assistance 43 1
18. The U.S. must emphasize in U.N. forums the superiority of pluralistic politics over alternative authoritarian and totalitarian models 48 free enterprise for Third World development 38) 1
19. The U.S. at the U.N. should promote economic opportunity and 1
20. The U.S. should work to disrupt U.N. voting bloc patterns 38 1
21. The U.S. must convey to to U.N. members that, just as they fear that their relations with Moscow would suf fer if they attacked the Soviet Union in the General Assembly so their bilateral relations with Washington would be penalized by anti-American actions in the General Assembly. (49 John Carson United Nations Assessment Project The Heritage Foundation 16 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 APPENDIX UNITED NATIONS ASSESSMENT PROJECT PUBLICATIONS Backarounders The U.S. and the U.N A Balance Sheet (Juliana G. Pilon 1/21/82 How the U.N. Aids Marxist Guerrilla Gr o ups (Thomas G. Gulick 4/8/82 The U.N. and Human Rights: The Double Standard Juliana G. Pilon 5/11/82 The U.N. and Disarmament: The Second Special Session John Buchan 5/26/82 The Law of the Sea Treaty Roger A. Brooks 6/7/82 Through the Looking Glass Julian a G. Pilon 8/30/82 At the U.N., A Mounting War on Patents (Roger A. Brooks 10/4/82 For UNESCO a Failing Grade in Education (Thomas G. Gulick 10/21/82 Multinationals: First Victim of the U.N. War on Free Enterprise UNESCO, Where Culture Becomes Propaganda ( Thomas G. Gulick 10/21/82 Americans at the U.N An Endangered Species (Juliana G.
The IPDC: UNESCO v. the Free Press (Thomas G. Gulick 3/10/83 U.N. Peacekeeping: An Empty Mandate (Roger A. Brooks 4/20/83 The U.N.Is Campaign Against Israel (Juliana G. Pilon 6/16/83 The Wayward U.N The Model U.N. Program: Teaching Unreality (Thomas G. Gulick UNICEF, Beware Dangerous Shoals Ahead (Roger A. Brooks 8/30/83 The U.S. and the U.N Time for Reappraisal The U.N. and Afghanistan: Stalemated Peacekeeping The U.N. and UN E SCO at the Crossroads (Owen Harries 10/19/83 MOSCOW~S U.N. Outpost (Juliana G. Pilon 11/22/83 How the U.N. Spends Its $1 Billion From U.S. Taxpayers The UNDPI: A House of Mirrors (Roger A. Brooks 2/23/84 UNCTAD: Part I Cheating the Poor (Stanely J. Michal a k 4/30/84 The Many Ways the U.N. Serves the USSR (Juliana G. Pilon 4/3/84 Why Congress Should be Wary of the UNCISG (Roger A. Brooks 6/15/84 An Insider Looks at UNESCO1s Problems (Owen Harries and Peter Lengyel 7/9/84 Treating People as an Asset (Julian S i mon 7/13/84 Are U.N. Camps Cheating Refugees In Honduras Juliana G. Pilon 7/23/84 UNCTAD: Part I1 Blocking Economic Growth Stanley J. Michalak 8/20/84 The U.N.Is Flawed Population Policy (Peter Huessy 8/27/84 A U.N. Success Story: The Worldls Fattest Pens ions Melanie L. Merkle 9/11/84 Can the U.S. Afford to Sign?
The Political Culture of the U.N Roger A. Brooks 11/16/82 Pilon 2/14/83 A Digest of Heritage Studies Melanie L. Merkle 7/20/83 and Melanie L. Merkle 8/11/83 Burton Yale Pines 9/29/83 Roger A. Broo ks 10/11/83 Melanie L. Merkle 1/20/84 17 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 The U.N. Is Economic Credo GAOIs UNESCO Report Card: A Failing Grade (Owen Harries 10/8/84 UNCTAD: Part I11 The Truths UNCTA D Will Not Face How the U.N. is Off Course in Outer Space (Juliana G. Pilon 2/8/85 U.S. Policy for the U.N. Conference on Women At the U.N The Kirkpatrick Legacy (Roger A. Brooks 3/13/85 How UNRWA Has Failed the Palestinian Refugees UNCTAD Issue Bulletins T he Way the World Doesn't Work Roger A. Brooks 10/3/84 Stanley J. Michalak 11/26/84 Greer McMullen &.Charles Lichenstein 2/25/85 Juliana G. Pilon 5/28/85 Stanley J. Michalak 6/4/85 Part IV The Bias Impeding Third World Growth P.L. 98-164: The U.N. Under Sc r utiny (Juliana G. Pilon 1/17/84 Heritaae Lecture Series The U.N. Under'Scrutiny (1982 Spotlighting the U.N.Is Anti-American Record (1984 Books A World Without a U.N. (edited by Burton Yale Pines 1984 The U.S. andthe U.N., A Balance Sheet (by UNAP staff 19 8 4 U.N. Studies The ILO by Walter Galenson (1982 UNCTAD by Stanley Michalak (1983 The U.S.-Third World Conflict by John Starrels (1984 The General Assembly The FAO: A Flawed Strategy in the War Against Hunger The WHO: Resisting Third World Ideological Pres s ures The UNDP: Failing the Worldls Poor by Richard Bissell (1985 Executive Memoranda Can It Be Salvaged? by Arieh Eilan (1984 by Georges Fauriol (1984 by John Starrels (1985 What Does the U.N. Have against Israel Juliana G. Pilon 10/21/82 A Letter to Geor g e Shultz re Law of the Sea (Roger A. Brooks 1/19/83 Blinking at the Law, the State Department Helps the PLO The U.S. and UNESCO: Time for Decision (Owen Harries 12/5/83 The Hypocrisy of U.N. Human Rights Day (Juliana G. Pilon 12/6/83 The Case for Ignoring the World Court (Burton Yale Pines 4/12/84 In Afghanistan, Moscow Ridicules the U.N Roger A. Brooks James Phillips 5/8/84 It's Time to Curb U.N.-Based Spies (Julian G. Pilon 6/7/84 UNESCO Time to Leave (Owen Harries 12/10/84 Last Chance for the Nairobi Wo men's Conference Juliana G. Pilon 4/19/83 Charles Lichenstein 7/3/85 18