She is
fundamentally opposed to regulation…regularly referencing
the free market as her guiding light.
-Public Citizen President Joan Claybrook on OIRA nominee
Susan Dudley
Unmentioned on the
front pages of the nation's newspapers, a nomination battle is
brewing that could affect every American's pocketbook and daily
life. The position is administrator of the Office of Information
and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA), and President Bush's nominee is
Susan Dudley, currently an economist at the Mercatus Center at
George Mason University. The nomination has been met with criticism
from a number of (mostly left-wing) advocacy groups, charging that
Dudley is "anti-regulatory" and would endanger vital health and
safety protections. These charges ring hollow. Dudley will bring to
the job a wariness of new rules and an expertise in analyzing
rules' likely effects, both of which are appropriate, even
essential, for the regulator of the government's regulators.
Regulating the
Regulators
Sometimes known as
the president's regulatory "czar," the OIRA administrator regulates
the federal government's regulators by ensuring that the rules they
promulgate have benefits that justify their costs and are
consistent with the president's policies. The stakes are high:
According to a recent study by the Small Business Administration,
regulation costs some $1.1 trillion per year, or about $10,000 per
household.
OIRA was founded
in 1980 and charged with reviewing regulations to be proposed by
executive branch regulatory agencies. The idea of centralized
regulatory review, however, goes back much farther; presidents from
Richard Nixon to Jimmy Carter established review mechanisms in an
attempt to ensure that agencies did not impose excessive regulatory
burdens. Regulatory review by OIRA is now an established and
accepted part of the rulemaking process. As Sally Katzen, OIRA's
chief for most of President Clinton's term recently stated, "[W]e
resolved for the most part the legitimacy of centralized review. It
was fiercely debated. It is now generally off the table."
During the present
Bush Administration, the review process has been further formalized
and strengthened. John Graham, OIRA administrator from 2001 until
earlier this year, established clear analytical frameworks for the
evaluation of proposed rules and guidelines for cost-benefit
analyses, peer reviews of those analyses, and transparency and
disclosure in OIRA's decisionmaking.
So far under the
Bush Administration, the annual average cost of new regulations has
been less (as measured by agency cost-benefit analyses) than in any
of the previous three administrations.
But critics who charge that the administration has slashed
regulation are badly mistaken. Rhetoric on both sides to the
contrary, regulatory burdens have actually increased, not
decreased, under Bush.
Although the flow of new rules has decreased somewhat, very few
existing regulations have been repealed or reformed.
Dudley
No "Extremist"
The challenge for
the new OIRA chief is to build on the progress made during John
Graham's tenure, while increasing efforts to reform older, outdated
rules. Susan Dudley, the President's nominee, is well-prepared to
tackle this difficult assignment. With a degree in resource
economics, she has previously served as an OIRA staff economist and
an economist in the Environmental Protection Agency. From 2003
until her nomination, she directed the regulatory studies program
at the Mercatus Center, a research group affiliated with George
Mason University. In that capacity, she wrote frequently on issues
facing OIRA, analyzing proposed regulations and recommending areas
for reform.
Despite Dudley's
extensive academic and policy experience-or perhaps because of
it-opponents of strong regulatory review are attempting to demonize
her. Public Citizen has called her "unfit" to head OIRA, an
"anti-regulatory zealot" who would be "in a position to cripple
critical safeguards that protect the public."
"Behold Susan Dudley," declaimed an American Prospect
article, "and be afraid."
There is little
substance to the name calling or support for its claims. Many of
the accusations are flatly untrue. For example, many of the critics
ridiculed Dudley for her opposition to flame-retardant children's'
pajamas. Economist Brad DeLong called it "disturbing."
The only thing disturbing about the claim though is that is it
completely untrue: Dudley had simply listed the rule once as an
example of the sorts of things the federal government regulates.
Similarly, the Center for American Progress cited a Mercatus paper
as "proof" that Dudley opposed measures to stop global warming.
Whatever the merits of that view, the paper was actually authored
by somebody else.
Even where
opponents cite Dudley's positions accurately, their criticisms fall
short. For example, the advocacy group Public Citizen cited with
alarm Dudley's opposition to mandated ergonomics standards for
office workers.
But Dudley is not alone in that "extremist" view: A majority of
Congress apparently agreed with Dudley, voting to rescind the
rule.
More generally,
critics of Dudley argue that she is prejudiced against regulation
and holds an "anti-regulatory ideology." According to Public
Citizen and OMB Watch, Dudley "would bog the agencies down in
endless analysis, stalling regulations and leaving the public at
risk."
Yet, in an unusual
step, six former OIRA administrators-including the Clinton
Administration's Katzen-disagreed, writing in a joint letter to
congressional leaders that Dudley "is committed to ensuring that
regulations are evaluated objectively and that the review process
is transparent."
Dudley's work
shows that she is not so much prejudiced against regulation as wary
of it. Such wariness is not evidence of closed-mindedness but of a
reasonable judgment that regulation should not be policymakers'
first choice. She argues that regulatory burdens should be imposed
only when the market and other voluntary alternatives have
failed-and even then, rules should be the least burdensome
possible. Thus Dudley has supported strict and detailed OIRA
oversight of agency rulemakings and comprehensive analyses of the
likely benefits and costs of proposed actions.
Dudley's critics
are dismissive of such institutional safeguards against
overregulation. Public Citizen and OMB Watch, for instance, write
disdainfully of OIRA's "so-called 'review' process"
and deride comprehensive cost-benefit analyses as impeding the flow
of regulations from federal agencies. In this, they give the
benefit of the doubt to regulators rather than the market.
Conclusion
Behind all the hot
rhetoric, this is the real issue in the Dudley debate: Should
regulators be subject to strong controls to ensure that the costs
they impose on Americans are necessary and no more burdensome than
necessary? Or, to put it simply, should regulators be regulated?
Coolheaded observers agree that government regulators need firm
oversight. And Susan Dudley is well qualified to do that job.
James L. Gattuso is
Senior Research Fellow in Regulatory Policy in the Thomas A. Roe
Institute for Economic Policy Studies at The Heritage
Foundation.