Since the end of the Cold War 20 years ago, there has been a
debate over domestic national security priorities, roles,
responsibilities, and resources. Subsequent to our two most
recent terrorist and natural catastrophic incidents, this debate
has accelerated a substantial culture change.
The basic question is very simple: How do we nationally
collaborate and allocate resources to effectively and
efficiently prepare ourselves in order to prevent, protect
against, respond to, and recover from catastrophic incidents? The
answers are more elusive and complicated.
The debate is also an old one. Claire Rubin's recent work was an
excellent overview of the history that has shaped the development
of prevention, response, and recovery to catastrophic events in
America since 1900 and their impact on the evolution of public
policy.[1] Her analysis of periodic "focusing events"
serves to inform the inherently political process of consensus
building regarding resources and assignment of roles and
responsibilities.
I've had the opportunity to observe and participate in this
latest change process from several different perspectives over
the past 20 years. Today, I'd like to first outline three key
themes that constitute unfinished business for the Federal
Emergency Management Agency's roles and responsibilities and then
offer some possible courses of action.
Theme #1: FEMA's Role in DHS and the
Post Katrina Emergency Reform Act of 2006
We all remember the first 18 months after 9/11, when the nation
was scrambling to decide how to organize to prevent the next
attack. Tom Ridge led the effort in the White House Office of
Homeland Security leading up to the establishment of the Department
of Homeland Security (DHS) by the Homeland Security Act of
2002.
In August 2003, within six months of Tom Ridge becoming the
first DHS Secretary, I was leading the team that developed the
State of Maryland's first homeland security program. Governor
Robert Ehrlich had already determined his preferred structure,
and his senior team had integrated with the U.S. Attorney-led
Anti-Terrorism Advisory Council (ATAC). We interpreted and
implemented the guidance in the National Strategy of July 2002 and
the Homeland Security Advisory Council (HSAC) state template, and
for the next two years we struggled to keep pace with the federally
generated requirements.
In the period from post-9/11 until Katrina, FEMA was largely on
the sidelines. This created an unfortunate controversy since
FEMA has long-standing relationships coordinating preparedness
with states and local governments. Ironically, this culminated in
mid-August 2005, just prior to Katrina, at a contentious
DHS-hosted national conference in Washington, D.C., with all
the state homeland security advisers and emergency management
directors to roll out the recently completed DHS reorganization
called the Second Stage Review (2SR).
Two weeks later Katrina hit, and the uproar that followed
produced many lessons learned that led to the Post Katrina
Emergency Reform Act (PKEMRA) in October 2006. The legislation
re-established FEMA's role for national preparedness within DHS and
directed a long-overdue overhaul of FEMA.
I was nominated by the President in April 2007 to be the FEMA
Deputy Administrator for National Preparedness, charged with
implementing the PKEMRA preparedness vision. When I was
confirmed in August 2007, Administrator Dave Paulison and
Chief Operating Officer Harvey Johnson already had the reforms at
FEMA well underway. I only had 18 months, so I picked four goals to
drive the merger and acquisition activity that had been laid out by
FEMA's executive team.
We focused on hiring key career leaders and cutting the
vacancy rate in half, empowering the regions and providing them
resources and templates to enhance regional preparedness,
establishing a national operational planning system, and
improving the national exercise and training portfolio. That
left four key issues on the table simply for want of time and
capacity. They were secure information sharing throughout FEMA to
facilitate integration within DHS, recovery doctrine,
preparedness-mitigation coordination, and developing an
easy-to-use doctrine and publication process and library.
The negotiation of roles and responsibilities to accommodate the
integration of FEMA within the department was a daily activity.
FEMA benefited greatly from being part of a 200,000-person
organization. The stature of the DHS Secretary ensures
resource leverage for the long haul and significant support for
FEMA's mission. The challenge is to continue the consensus
process to make each stronger.
Theme #2: State, Local, and
Private-Sector Preparedness Resources
I've come to believe that the foundation of homeland
security and emergency management is built on state and local
government public safety and their health care and transportation
systems. In the post-Cold War, late 1980s and early to mid-1990s,
the issues of devolution and the new national defense scenarios
were the focus of attention. During that period, I was a Naval
Reserve officer just off of active duty and was pursuing and
serving in local elected office.
Almost without notice, the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, the
Murrah Building bombing in 1995, the bombing of the Khobar Towers
in 1996, the 1998 embassy bombings, and the USS Cole
incident in 2000 unfolded like a terrorist symphony leading to
the 9/11 crescendo. The American public hadn't been alarmed by this
pattern until 9/11 hit, but it was obvious to the federal
government and law enforcement.
The federal government's growing concern was made clear in 1997
by the passage of the Nunn- Lugar-Domenici Act and the focus on the
readiness of 120 cities for weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The
mantra at the time was "not if, but when."
The federal government took the fragmented national security
lead early on, but there still was not a consensus on the roles of
state and local governments. Until the Homeland Security Act of
2002, the federal government was unsure about how to structure its
roles and responsibilities.
State, local, and private-sector leaders have struggled to
identify the resources to re-engineer a seamless public safety and
public health/hospitals system to integrate them into our largely
federal national security framework.
During the mid to late '90s, as an executive at a major medical
center, we initiated a focus on our role as a private hospital in
WMD preparedness as well as establishing a relationship with
the U.S. Air Force for trauma training.
In the immediate aftermath of the post-9/11 shock wave, we were
bombarded with the hysteria from the anthrax attack and its
effect on our staff and patients.
We were later confronted with the smallpox threat and whether to
vaccinate our key staff in light of the medical risks.
These very real situations place a premium on individual, state,
and local preparedness. This requires re-engineering many vertical
functions into horizontal processes. The public is demanding this
type of integration. The shrinking global environment, the
Internet, and the 24/7 news cycle put intense and immediate focus
on any incident that occurs anywhere in the world. Most citizens
don't recognize the difference between levels of government.
They expect that these details have been worked out ahead of
time.
Theme #3: Recovery Doctrine
The lack of well-developed and agreed-upon recovery doctrine is
a major issue for large-scale disaster recovery. The role of the
federal government in recovery has been at issue since before
1900[2]
and continues today. The Red Cross played the lead role prior to
1950, and subsequent legislation has added more responsibility
to the federal government for funding recovery. There has never
been an appetite for making disaster victims whole through public
funding, and that creates a gap between expectation and
reality.
In the aftermath of Katrina, the FEMA Administrator and his
team focused on ensuring that the next responses would be
effective. A three-year process led to the National Response
Framework (NRF) as a replacement for the National Response Plan
(NRP) and the update of the National Incident Management System
(NIMS). The NRF documented the roles and responsibilities for
response and recognized that FEMA has a major role in short-term
recovery, but FEMA is not organized, equipped, or resourced to lead
a major long-term recovery effort.
As we saw after Katrina, national media and communications
create a public expectation for immediate and well-organized
recovery processes that produce results that make people whole.
They also imply that the federal government is in charge for
whatever happens. The reality is just the opposite.
The fact is that recovery is primarily a state, local, and
private-sector role. Over the past 20 years, response doctrine like
the NRF has been debated and has evolved. Recovery doctrine,
however, has not received such attention. It's much more
complicated, harder to address, far more expensive, and
longer-term in scope.
Now that I have outlined the themes, let me offer a few
potential courses of action.
Action #1: Integrate and Strengthen
FEMA's Role Within DHS as Envisioned by PKEMRA.
PKEMRA laid out an ambitious path for the long-term
strengthening and development of emergency preparedness, response,
and recovery. It required a major overhaul of FEMA to include its
integration into DHS and the mandate to build the FEMA regions into
a decentralized distributed capability for DHS.
The FEMA overhaul is at least a five- through seven-year effort
that would, by its very nature, require crossover into the next
Administration. In this new Administration, there is an opportunity
for a fresh start. FEMA was given a very expansive mission
within PKEMRA. FEMA has not fully exercised that role yet.
The Department should embrace FEMA and learn how to fully use
its strengths, capabilities, and regional structure. The FEMA
regions should be used to integrate programs at the regional level
to engage the states and not try to recreate regions or manage
programs from Washington, D.C. The department should look to the
FEMA regional administrators as key DHS executives in each
region.
FEMA, on the other hand, must continue to ask how it can
integrate itself to support the overall national mission within
DHS. It's not an either/or proposition. It's both. The department
should assess those inherent operational functions that FEMA has
and learn how to deploy programs through FEMA rather than around
it.
The department also has to be more policy-oriented and
continue to improve multi-year programming processes that
encourage longer-term resource planning. This will help FEMA move
away from the cycle of using disaster relief funding as a quick fix
for long-standing infrastructure management deficiencies.
These are long-term problems that require discipline and an
understanding of how resources are brokered in Washington, D.C.
FEMA must continue to build its infrastructure in the management
disciplines like human capital, financial management, procurement,
information systems, and facilities management. FEMA has to build
its capabilities for routine secure information sharing within all
its directorates and offices to allow it to better engage key DHS
functions. There needs to be direct coordination between mitigation
and preparedness.
The Disaster Work Force must be overhauled and effectively
trained, and the Emergency Management Institute (EMI) must be
properly resourced for that mission. These initiatives are nascent
and must be aggressively nurtured. The federal coordination
officers need a WMD training program and linkages into DHS
programs.
FEMA regions need to be given budget authority and continue to
grow their personnel strength and capabilities to support the
states. The states should be encouraged to work together in
lightweight distributed networks that bring the private
sector, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and
universities to bear on developing regional capabilities.
Finally, FEMA should use the National Exercise Simulation Center
to support operational planning assessment, especially in the area
of mass casualty preparedness. Since I first attended a meeting on
this topic sponsored by the American Hospital Association in
Chicago, in March 2000, and worked on the Modular Emergency Medical
System (MEMS) program at Aberdeen Proving Grounds, it has been
clear that this problem requires much more focus. The Department of
Health and Human Services (HHS) has done a remarkable job of
building national capability, but it still hasn't been
effectively integrated into operational planning and the
national exercise program.
Action #2: Provide Direct Federal Assistance for
State, Local, and Private-Sector Preparedness.
Conceptually, the federal government has been leasing the
national public safety and public health/ hospital infrastructure
from state, local, and private-sector interests for national
security. Prior to 9/11, the federal government used small amounts
of grant money to influence behavior. In reaction to 9/11, this
approach and the funding exploded. This has had a mixed record of
success and has caused significant concerns about value,
devolution, unfunded mandates, and intrusion into states'
rights.
One has to ask if grants are the appropriate resource to
compensate for these assets and additional capability
development. Dr. Samuel Clovis has written some excellent articles
that discuss historical perspective on the use of grants by the
federal government in a variety of issues that demonstrates a
pattern of top-down federal direction.[3]
As the public interest waxes and wanes, the funding levels will
begin and have begun to drop. The challenge to sustain long-term
effectiveness is to reconcile the resource issues related to roles
and responsibilities, personnel, and capabilities. The states and
local governments need trained people on a continuous basis, and
grants are a poor way of providing that resource.
I would argue that we should consider a system of direct federal
assistance with cooperative agreements for those things that
are needed by the federal government and reduce grants as an
approach to state and local collaboration. The reality is that
state and local governments fund and operate the national
infrastructure for public safety and public health. We examined
2006 census data that suggest that states, locals, and health
systems spent $300 billion for that purpose. During that same
period, the Office of Management and Budget identified $52 billion
of federal resources for homeland security, which included $3
billion for grants.
Recently, Matt Mayer has authored a report for The Heritage
Foundation's Center for Data Analysis that drills into the state
and local homeland security expenditures and federal grants for 25
states and the District of Columbia.[4] The data clearly demonstrate
that state and local resources are the backbone of our homeland
security effort.
There are some positive examples of federal direct assistance
that already have been tried and have proven effective at some
level. The Joint Terrorism Task Force (JTTF) model provides
federal resources, frameworks, and support while integrating
state and local resources into them. At the time I was in Maryland,
we had outstanding special agents in charge at the FBI, and 60
percent of the JTTF was staffed by state and local officers. The
federal government has provided analysts at Fusion Centers and
critical infrastructure protective security advisors (PSAs) at
the state level.
Preparedness for catastrophic events requires much more detailed
and rigorous operational planning. State and local governments
don't maintain operational planning resources and capabilities. The
private sector and, in most cases, NGOs are not woven into current
operational plans. To avoid duplicating expensive capabilities,
state and local governments rely on dual use of resources, which
gives rise to the "all-hazards" concept. To bridge this gap, FEMA
regional planners could be provided directly to states to build
these catastrophic operational plans.
FEMA has worked hard since 2006 to build a strong coordination
with the Department of Defense (DOD). The National Guard and
Northern Command are a valuable resource for direct federal
assistance. The National Guard has a long history of being a
state asset supported by the federal government in a dual role. The
development of the Civil Support Teams is a good example of recent
positive support.
There has been some perception that Northern Command's role in
domestic security has expanded the role of the military too far
into domestic affairs. This issue should be tackled by reinforcing
the role of DOD as a support to civilian authority through FEMA.
The assignment of defense coordinating officers to the FEMA regions
was an excellent move in that direction.
Department of Defense resources also have to be adapted in many
cases to meet domestic needs. While at Maryland, I used the Defense
Threat Reduction Agency (DTRA) trainers to teach our state
officials the vulnerability assessment tools known as Joint Staff
Integrated Vulnerability Assessment (JSIVA). The one-week
course provided good training but wasn't tailored for domestic
civilian audiences.
Action #3: Create a Consensus-Based National Recovery
Doctrine that Documents and Assigns the Proper Roles and
Responsibilities.
Recovery is primarily a land development, engineering, and
project management core competency. Housing and business continuity
are key to recovery. The nation and the private sector learned
a great deal from Y2K about business continuity and supply
chain resilience.
Recovery should be the preparedness focus for state and local
elected officials. Elected officials must clearly understand the
response process to give direction and leadership to responders and
emergency management officials, but they must have clear plans in
place to transition quickly to and lead and direct the recovery
once the response is winding down.
As Maryland's Homeland Security Director during the
Tropical Storm Isabel response phase, our team recommended to
Governor Ehrlich and he established a Recovery Task Force that was
co-chaired by our Secretary of Planning and Secretary of Housing
and Community Development. That long process went on for almost
three years until we got most people back into their homes.
Each state should have a state disaster housing plan that would
be a requirement to receive Housing and Urban Development
Community Development Block Grants. These plans should take
into consideration the state, local, and private-sector roles and
responsibilities to include zoning, design and construction codes,
building permits, civil engineering, and environmental issues, just
to name a few. I was a Zoning Board member during my service
as a legislator on the Howard County Council in Maryland, and even
in normal periods, development issues are complex and
time-consuming.
In addition, the nation should consider calling on the Urban
Land Institute to be engaged in this issue. They are the premier
land development organization that studies difficult and
complex development issues, and this is one of them.
The National Housing Strategy was developed in 2008, but not in
the context of a national recovery doctrine. The doctrine is
critical because thefederal government currently has an ad
hoc approach to each new incident. National recovery has
historically been a problem of who pays for the recovery.[5] The
Housing Strategy was written with the intent of state strategies
eventually driving recovery preparedness.
FEMA facilitated state housing task forces in Iowa after the
spring 2008 flooding and in Texas after Ike in September 2008. Both
these efforts were admittedly ad hoc but were designed to
kick-start the concepts in the Housing Strategy and engage state
partners.
Toward the end of 2008, the Homeland Security Council initiated
a White Paper process supported by the Preparedness Directorate to
define the scope and organize an initiative to develop a national
recovery doctrine. As with the National Response Framework, this
effort requires significant involvement of state, local, and
private-sector interests and the National Advisory Council (NAC).
This very difficult work must continue and be documented before the
next catastrophic incident occurs.
Conclusion
The nation's preparedness has come a long way in the past 20
years. DHS and FEMA have made progress, but there is significant
unfinished business. The challenge is to find ways to
continuously improve, to sustain the effort over the long
haul, to better leverage federal resources to get major initiatives
done, and to encourage states to build recovery plans that will put
them in charge of a large-scale recovery.