The economy's worsening by the day and in need of a quick boost.
Yet the $800-plus billion "economic-stimulus" bill now being rushed
through Congress is anything but.
Democrats tend to believe that you can help jumpstart an economy
by investing in transportation projects. Yet only 7 percent of the
plan's spending component is aimed at our highways and byways.
And most of that is unlikely to actually do much good. The US
Department of Transportation notes that only about 27 percent of
the transportation stimulus money would be spent the first year.
And the bill allows the spending to go for projects that may not be
completed for three years - meaning that some of today's unemployed
might have to wait until 2012 for a job from this measure.
Worse, the rest of the bill's spending does even less
to boost the economy. It's little more than a massive bailout of
marginal federal programs and profligate state governments.
Perhaps the most laughable initiative in the bill is its bid to
revive public housing -- a program that leading Democrats as well as
Republicans have been phasing out since the early 1970s in favor of
the more attractive, and cost-effective, housing vouchers.
The "stimulus" bill would spend $5 billion to build more public
housing.
Huh? This recession started in good part because of a housing
glut: The collapse of the housing bubble meant that
America had built more homes than it could pay for. As a result,
the number of vacant housing units is at an all-time high.
Why not instead take advantage of the millions of vacant units
in a process that could also help deter foreclosures?
Probably because, under the Davis-Bacon law, anyone building new
housing with federal money must basically pay union wages. Using
vouchers, by contrast, relies upon the marketplace, where unions
must compete fairly. And unions are a core Democratic Party
constituency.
The bill also rewards other federal programs with doubtful
stimulus benefits: aquaculture, the National Endowment for the
Arts, the Fish and Wildlife Service, energy-efficient federal
buildings, the Smithsonian, Pell Grants, Head Start, lead-hazard
reduction and wild-land fire management. ACORN and similar groups
would gain access to some of the billions in new
community-development funds.
Amtrak, meanwhile, would get another $1 billion on top of a
multibillion-dollar increase (over five years) that Congress gave
it late last year.
And let's not forget state governments, which would share in $79
billion of general fiscal relief, plus $87 billion more in Medicaid
assistance.
In this regard, the plan represents a massive and unprecedented
peacetime transfer of wealth and income from the beleaguered
taxpayers to a bloated public sector - where, oddly enough, the
unemployment rate remains remarkably low.
On top of all the new money to expand existing programs, the
bill would also extend the federal government deep into new areas
of responsibility, like public-school construction and rural
broadband investment - from which it would likely never extract
itself.
But this, regrettably, is the least of the failures of the
supposed "stimulus." At a time of economic peril, it will make
things worse - by absorbing massive amounts of scarce
resources and credit that could better be deployed to the nation's
already troubled financial markets and loan-starved businesses.
This measure is most likely to leave us with double-digit
unemployment rates a year from now -- and Congress responding with
an even larger bailout. America would find itself stuck with a
mediocre economy more like continental Europe's than the vibrant
system that made us the most prosperous nation on earth.
The nation needs a stimulus plan that actually addresses the
problem we face - the very real prospect of an economic
catastrophe. This plan doesn't do that.
President Obama must decide whether the voters put him there for
a purpose no better than validating a massive congressional fraud
on the nation's workers. To show real leadership, he should reject
this costly and ineffective proposal in favor of something that
will work.
Dr. Ron Utt is the
Herbert and Joyce Morgan Senior Research Fellow of the Thomas A.
Rowe Institute for Economic Policy Studies at The Heritage
Foundation.