(Archived document, may contain errors)
333 5/21/92
CREATING INNER-CITY JOBS BY SUSPENDING THE DAVIS-BACON ACT
In the wake of the recent riots in Los Angeles, Politicians in
Washington are rushing to "do something" to aid America's inner
cities. One response has been to promise money to rebuild the
devastated areas and to create jobs for local residents. But feder
a l projects rarely mean construction jobs for lower-skilled indi-
viduals from poor neighborhoods. But the federal government could
increase such job opportunities by sus- pending or repealing an
obscure Depression-era labor law called the Davis-Bacon Act. This
law virtually guarantees that any federal funds spent on
construction projects, such as roads and bridges, or on rebuilding
cities, will bar from employment the poorest, though often the most
eager and competitive, workers. Congress passed the Davis- B acon
Act in 1931 to protect unionized construction workers from competi-
tion for federal construction jobs from lower-wage non-union labor,
especially black workers from the South. The Act, which is still on
the statute books, requires contractors to pay the "prevailing
wage" to all workers on federally funded projects valued at more
than $2,000. In practice, the United States Department of Labor,
which is empowered to determine the prevailing wage, uses local
union wage scales as a proxy for the prevaili n g wage. Since the
union wage scale is significantly more than the market wage for
lower- skilled or unskilled workers, this sets a "super-minimum"
wage for each job classification. Thus any laborer who does not
command union scale, even though his or her s kills are perfectly
acceptable for the work on federal projects, is frozen out of these
jobs. Typically, those frozen out are black or Hispanic Americans.
Thus with the Davis-Bacon Act in place, money for federal
construction projects in riot-torn Los Ang e les's communities will
mean jobs for unionized workers from other neighborhoods. But those
unemployed local residents who are law-abiding and desperately want
to work will be priced out of the market and forced to stand by and
watch others take the jobs. H arming Minority and Young Workers.
Minority and small contractors usually are non-union and feel that
paying the higher Davis-Bacon wages so that they can compete for a
few federal projects each year will so disrupt their pay scales
that it is not worth t h e trouble or the administrative costs even
to bid on gov- ernment projects. This fact was recognized fifteen
years ago in a study on youth and minority employment published in
1977 by the Congressional Joint Economic Committee, "Davis-Bacon
wage requireme n ts dis- courage nonunion contractors from bidding
on Federal construction work," says the study, "thus harming
minority and young workers who are more likely to work in the
nonunionized sector of the construction in- dustry. Until the
passage of the Davis - Bacon Act, the federal government's policy
of accepting the lowest bid on construction projects allowed black
laborers to compete freely for federal work and such projects were
a great source of jobs for minorities from the South. Indeed, the
original Dav i s-Bacon Act was drafted in 1927 by Representative
Robert Bacon, a New York Republican, after an Alabama contractor
won the bid to build a federal hospital in Bacon's district. As
Bacon stated in the first hearing on the bill, "The bid ... was let
to a fir m from Alabama who brought some thousand non-union
laborers from Alabama into Long Is- land, N.Y., into my
congressional district."
Sixty-five years later, many unemployed inner-city residents
would jump at the chance to work for less than the local unio n
scale on federal rebuilding projects. Yet as Congress and the White
House prepare to send millions of dollars to south-central Los
Angeles and other inner-city neighborhoods, Davis-Bacon rules will
cruelly freeze these eager workers out of the chance to rebuild
their own communities. Instead, federal dollars will be channeled
into the pockets of other Americans, most of whom already have
jobs, who will commute from well outside the affected areas.
Pushing Up the Price Tag. Examples abound of how the Davi s -Bacon
Act pushes up the price.tag of inner-city projects and programs,
while denying jobs to local residents. Mary Nelson, director of
Bethel New Life Inc., a church-affiliated social service
organization in Chicago, explains that Davis-Bacon adds as muc h as
25 percent to her total costs and often prevents'her from using the
local unskilled poor to help refurbish the housing projects they
themselves live in. Instead, Nelson must contract with outside
firms who have no roots in her neighborhood. Marshall E n gland,
who runs a similar program in New York City, declares that
Davis-Bacon is "the biggest inhibitor to good housing in poor
areas." Even a more tragic story is the case of Duane Ehresman, who
operates a small construction firm in one of Chicago's poor e r
Westside neighborhoods. Using modest funds from a federal program,
Ehresman made the legal mistake of recruiting some 45 black youths
to rehabilitate some dilapidated apartment buildings rather than
hiring skilled workers at union rates. When the local u nions
complained, the U.S. Department of Labor fined Ehresman, and he was
forced to fire his young workers and replace them with union
tradesmen. Organized labor defends Davis-Bacon as being good for
minority workers. But for every skilled minority worker who gets a
job at the prevailing rate, dozens of others are denied the chance
to climb the first rung on the employment ladder. Over a decade
ago, after an examination of employment patterns on federal
projects, a report from the Comptroller General of th e United
States recommended that the Davis-Bacon Act be repealed, in part
be- cause of its discriminatory impact on minority employment.
Stated the 1979 report:
We could find no evidence ... that the repeal of Davis-Bacon
would have any discriminatory effe ct on women or ethnic categories
of construction workers. To the contrary... Davis-Bacon wage rates
actually resulted in fewer construction job opportunities for
low-skilled minorities....
Time to Open Up Opportunities. The choice awaiting lawmakers is
a simple one. If Congress truly wishes to bring jobs back to the
inner cities it can take the immediate step of repealing the
Davis-Bacon Act, thereby opening up job opportunities on federal
reconstruction projects. Yet George Bush need not wait for Congres
s to act. The President has the executive power to suspend
Davis-Bacon with the stroke of a pen in times of emergency. The
term emergency is not defined in the law. The two previous
suspensions of the Act were justified for very different reasons:
Franklin Roosevelt suspended the Act in 1934 for "ad- ministrative"
reasons, and Richard Nixon suspended the Act in 1971 out of fear it
was fueling inflation. Bush could justify suspending Davis-Bacon
nationally on the grounds that there is an urgent need to creat e
job opportunities for minorities, and that this goal should be
achieved in a manner that does not bust the budget. At the- very
least, Bush can suspend the Act on all projects in
high-unemployment neighborhoods. He should not hesitate to do
so.
Scott A. Hodge Grover M. Hermann Fellow in Federal Budgetary
Affairs
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