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3/13/92 325
ARISTIDE IS NO ANSWER TO HAITI'S PROBLEMS
In the months since the September 30 military coup in Haiti, the
Bush Administration stubbornly has backed ousted President Jean
Bertra nd Aristide and demanded his return to. power as a
precondition for nor- malizing relations with Port-au-Prince.
Equating democracy with Aristide, however, is a mistake. Prior to
the putsch that toppled Aristide, his actions began to resemble
those of com m unist neighbor Fidel Castro of Cuba. Aristide
fostered class violence, incited lynchings, encouraged attacks
against political opponents,and organ- ized militias for his
personal use. As a result, the Haitian people have good reason if
they decide not to take him bacL Rather than forcing Aristide on
Haiti, Washington should ask the Haitian people what they want. To
do this, the Organization of American States (OAS) could help
Haitian civilian authorities arrange for a refer- endum on
Aristide's fate.
After last year's coup, the Bush Administration suspended the
United States' $85.5 million in economic and military aid to Haiti
for fiscal 1992. The 34-member OAS, with strong U.S. backing, voted
on October 8. to im- pose a trade embargo on Haiti and fi-eeze a ll
of the country's international financial assets. This February 4.
Bush wisely eased the embargo's impact on Haiti's struggling and
innocent work force by allowing some American companies to resume
assembling goods in Haiti for export to the U.S. This h e lped save
at least 40,000 Haitian jobs. IMe Administration correctly
explained that the reason for this action was to direct the em-
bargo against Haiti's junta leaden, not against the Haitian people.
Remdliation Plan. The Bush Administration and the OAS h ave worked
vigorously to seek a negotiated solution to the political impasse
in the troubled Caribbean nation. Marathon meetings were held in
Washington and Venezuela between Aristide, his representatives,
members of the Haitian Parliament, and political l eaders fr(xn
across Haiti's political spectrum. As a result, an agreement was
reached in Washington on -February 23 between Aristide, and members
of the Haitian Parliament to restm.civilian control over the
Haitian govern- ment. The Haitian Parliament is e xpecteA to vote
on the plan on March 23. The reconciliation plan, which is
supported by Washington, the OAS, most of Haiti's political
parties, busi- ness community, and military leadership, named Rene
Theodiore as Haiti's new Prime Minister-designate. Th e - odore is
the President of the National Reconstruction Movement (MRN), a
coalition of lefkist and centrist polit- ical groups, viewed as a
moderating force by many.Haitian and U.S. officials., If the plan
is approved, then Theodore and the Haitian Parlia m ent, in
consultation with the U.S. and OAS, will decide whether to pave the
way for Aristide's return to the Haitian presidencyor to lead the
charge for a new Hait'ian president Regard- less of the path that
Theodore and the Haitian lawmakers take, it is c lear that
Aristide's return remains a- clear. issue of dispute. Poftical
ExtrembL IMe reasons for this are many. Despite being a clear
victor in Haiti's December- 1990 elections, Aristide surely is not
the democrat he claims to be. His actions since his F e bruary 7.
1991, inaugura- tion. -paint him as a political extremist in the
tradition of previous Haitian rulers. He has repeatedly used ex-
plicit and implicit threats of mob and class violence to intimidate
his opponents in the wealthy business class, th e Haitian National
Assembly, centrist and conservative political parties, and the
-army. The headquarters. of every single opposition party in Haiti,
for example, has been attacked since Aristidevs election. Often
during,
speeches, fporeover, Aristide hinted of his willingness to use
hisipopularity among Haiti's poorest sectors to ride roug6hod.over
the business', tqilitary, and political opposition- sectors of
Haitian society. Unpriestly Preaching. Aristide is a former pr i
est, expelled from the Salesian order of the Roman Catholic Church
for preaching class hatred. While- he claims, to be a champion of
human rights, the U.S. State bepartmeni's Annual Human Rights
Report on Haiti indicates otherwise. According to the Januar y 31
report, at least 75 political opponents were brutally attacked in
incidents -of so-called "popular justice" last year. For, example,
well-known critic of Aristide. and two-time presidential candidate
Silvio Claude was attacked and, killed by a pro-Ari s tide mob on
the day before the September coup. Aristide's followers used a
Haitian mur- der method called "necklacing" to killbaude. This-
involves chopping off -the victim's arms, hanging a gaso@.
line-soaked tire around the victim's neck.-'andburning th e victim
alive. Aristide said the day prior to the mur- der: "What a
beautiful tool, what a beautiful instrument, what a beautiful
device. It smells good, and every- where you go you want to breathe
it." As a last strike against hi s' enemies before fleein g Haiti
during the Sep- tember coup, Aristide may also liave ordered -the
killin'g of Roger Lafontant, who was serving a life sentence - in
the National Prison in Port-au-Prince for"a previous coup attempt
against -the government. Aristide, moreover, is no friend of the
U.S. During. his 1990 campaign for president, he often said that
the t.S - was "responsible for the worst abuses"'of the former
Duvalier family. dictatorship in Haiti and routinely. Haiti's
economic and political troubles on Washington. Just last month, in
fact, Antoine. Adrien, a se- mor Aristide advisor, charged
that-Washingtonvas behind the September coup and that the crisis in
Haiti would only be solved if the-U.S .- "explained its. role in
the coup." Adrien also -said that U.S. Ambassado r to Haiti Alvin
P. Adams ."played a role in the,coup" and that in the days
-following the military takeover, Adams "provided coup supporters
with high technology communication equipment and
manipulated,the-situadon." With this record, Aristide should be v i
ewed as a threat to Haiti's chances of democratic and economic
prog- ress. To help restore democracy and stability in Haiti, as
well as help launch an economic recovery-program on the island
nation, the Bush Admu'u'stration should: # Not forde Arlstide up o
n the Haitian; people. Washington, along with the OAS countries,
should, proposela referendum in Haiti t6 decide Aristide's -
status. If 'the Haitians reject him, then. the OAS, with U.S.
backing. should help Prime Minister Theodore, the Haitian Parliamen
t , and Haiti's political partieff organize new elections. # Call
for the OAS-sponsored embargo against Haiti to end once the
February 23 accord is made law by the Haitian Parliament. Now that
a democratic accord tentatively- has been agreed to by the polit i
cal, military, and busmess groups in Haiti, and a civilian Prime
Minister-designate has been, named, there is no need for an
economic embargo. # Help organ1w an OAS monitoring team to gauge
whether the terms of the February 23 recon- ciliation accord are c
arried out. These terms include a full amnesty for military
officers, civilian control over the political system, and
protection of human rights. * Threaten to organize an OAS
peacekeeping force if the democratic accord collapses and ex-
tremists of eithe r the left or the right again seize power. *
Dispense emergency humanitarian relief to Haiti's poor. Mindful of
the embargo's potential dev- astating impact on the Haitian people,
the Bush Administration correctly exempted some food sta- ples,
including ri c e, wheat, and cooking oil, from the economic
sanctions. A special humanitarian assistance program. operating
through private voluntary agencies and the U.S. Agency for Intema-
tional Development (AID), also gave food and medical assistance to
the Haitian p oor. Because of eco- nomic mismanagement in Haiti and
the OAS economic embargo, however, the Haitian economy has
collapsed and the country is on the verge of chaos. Additional
humanitarian assistance will be needed urgently in the coining
weeks to prevent loss of human life. Michael G. Wilson Policy
Analyst
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