Earlier this week,
the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) released several
short reports on Social Security's importance in the retirement
plans of Hispanics. These reports, "Hispanics Large Stake in the
Social Security Debate" and "Hispanics And Social Security: The
Implications Of Reform Proposals," essentially argue that Hispanic
Americans' lower average incomes, higher life expectancies, and
lower average savings (including pensions) make them rely more on
Social Security.
The studies' authors go on to argue that reforming Social Security
in the way that President Bush has proposed would put Hispanics'
retirements at great risk.
The conclusions in
CBPP's policy papers just don't add up. For example, the authors
correctly observe that average savings and, generally, net
household wealth among Hispanics are below those of the general
U.S. population. President Bush and other Social Security reformers
also have observed that differences in wealth and savings exist,
and this guides their reform approach. Because low incomes
discourage savings, reformers want to help boost Hispanic savings
by using some of the payroll tax that they already pay to fund a
Personal Retirement Account (PRA) for each worker.
The CBPP papers
argue that Social Security is a more important part of Hispanics'
retirements than it is for others' because Hispanics have
above-average life expectancies. That is true (at least until the
average Hispanic diet and lifestyle reflect those of the average
non-Hispanic American), but that is an argument for reform, not
against it. The Social Security actuaries have told us for years
that the Old-Age and Survivors program will be unable to meet its
financial obligations sometime in the late 2030s or early 2040s
(currently the date is 2041). After that point,
benefits will need to be cut by about 25 percent. Young workers
today, Hispanics among them, might think twice about the Center's
argument that they should rely more on Social Security as it is
currently constituted.
Social Security
reformers want a system that allows low- and moderate-income
workers voluntarily to build a nest egg for themselves and their
children by setting aside some of their own Social Security taxes
in a Personal Retirement Account. Our own work on the effects of
these nest eggs clearly shows that doing so will make Hispanic
retirements more secure, increase Social Security's rate of return
for Hispanics (which today is dismally low), and allow low-income
families to break out of deep cycles of intergenerational
poverty.
Because workers would own the sums in their PRAs, they can use the
amount that they don't apply to their own retirements as a bequest
to their children or grandchildren.
For example, a
low-income dual-earner couple could accumulate over $127,000 in
their PRA, use about $60,000 to create an annuity to combine with
traditional Social Security, and leave the rest in their savings
account. Because of their long lives, that amount left in their PRA
will allow them to pass on nearly $120,000 in today's dollars to
their grandchildren. Enabling low-income workers to pass on such
sums will go a long way toward breaking down poverty.
The CBPP reports
unfortunately resort to falsehoods and half-truths to perpetuate
the claim that today's Social Security-even with its guaranteed
benefit cuts-is a better deal for Hispanic workers than a reformed
system with personal accounts. For example, the papers cite
Heritage's 1998 report "Social Security's Rate of Return for
Hispanic Americans" but immediately dismiss it as "widely
discredited." This is simply not the case. Our later report "Social Security's Rate of Return: A Reply
to Our Critics" describes and responds to the criticisms-mostly
technical in nature-leveled against our original rate of return
research.To say that our research has been "widely
discredited" is to misrepresent the tenor and the substance of the
complex and still ongoing debate over the measurement of returns to
Social Security. Our 1998 series of reports is still regarded as
the benchmark in the field and continues to be widely
cited.
To improve the current system's relative
merit, the CBPP report bases its analysis of personal accounts on
what seems to be a deliberate misreading of investment return data
from the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) and analysis from the
Social Security Administration's actuary. The report uses a "risk
adjusted" yield of 3 percent for the investments that a worker
would have in his or her personal account. In the past, CBBP has
cited this number to the CBO and claimed that it is the appropriate
rate of return to use, taking into account the risks of
investment.But CBO disagrees. Commenting on a Social
Security calculator developed by CBPP that used the risk-adjusted
number,CBO Director Douglas Holtz-Eakin called the
usage "wrong" and added, "We assume that equities will return 6.8
percent in the future."With this higher rate of return, workers
choosing to open personal accounts would fare far better than CBPP
estimates.
The Social Security Administration makes
the same point in its publications. The same SSA actuarial
memorandum from which CBPP took its numbers runs through two
scenarios for account returns: a "low, or risk adjusted," yield and
an "expected" yield.The expected yield amounts to 5.22
percent-again, significantly above the number that CBPP decided to
use. Inexplicably, CBPP neglects to report or mention SSA's
expected returns on personal accounts. This is a significant
omission. With the "expected" yield, a worker earning $58,560 per
year, for example, would receive 8.1 percent less in benefits per
month than is promised today, compared to the 25 percent reduction
that CBPP reports using the "low" yield. Interestingly enough, that
25 percent reduction is just below the benefit reduction that
Social Security's actuaries say will be necessary if the system is
not reformed.
CBPP's failure to use the correct yield on
investments has an especially large impact on low-income workers.
According to the same SSA actuarial memorandum, a low-income worker
retiring in 2075 would receive, with a personal account, almost 8
percent more than the benefits that are promised to him by today's
Social Security. According to CBPP, however, that worker would get
a 28 percent benefit cut. SSA's numbers show that personal accounts
would make Social Security a better deal than it is today for most
Hispanic families; CBPP simply chooses to ignore this
conclusion.
Finally, CBPP overlooks the effects of the
cost of the current system on Hispanic workers. By rejecting
changes that would bring the cost of Social Security into line with
what the system can afford to pay, CBPP endorses the continuation
of the status quo. If the benefits promised today are actually to
be paid, however, taxes will have to be increased significantly.
One of the most likely means to accomplish this, raising the
payroll tax rate, disproportionately discourages savings among
low-income families by reducing their disposable income.To save the current system, then, CBPP
favors a policy that would make it more difficult for many Hispanic
families to save for their own retirements, amass assets, and live
the American Dream.
CBPP's policy papers do Hispanics a
disservice by misrepresenting the poor returns of today's Social
Security to Hispanics and the promise of personal retirement
accounts as a means to help Hispanic families and communities build
wealth, help Hispanic workers strengthen their retirement security,
and improve future generations' standard of living. CBPP would have
Hispanics rely on a system that, according to its own actuarial
staff, promises significant future benefit cuts or tax hikes and
prevents too many Hispanic families from amassing a nest
egg.
With their strong family and community
ties, Hispanic-Americans are positioned to benefit especially from
the promise of personal retirement accounts. Falsehoods and
half-truths should not be allowed to conceal that fact.
William W.
Beach is Director of the Center for Data Analysis,
and Andrew Grossman is Senior Writer, at The Heritage
Foundation.