(Archived document, may contain errors)
9/23/88 214
WITHOUT REFORMS, THE LEGAL, SERVICES CORPORATION BILL DESERVES A
VETO
After eight years of tr ying, the Reagan Administration is close to
accomplishing one of its original objectives: reforming the Legal
Services Corporation (ISC). More than 180 mem- bers of the House of
Representatives, including 29 Democrats, have written Ronald Reagan
declaring their opposition to the Commerce, State, Justice
appropriations bill unless it is modified in House-Senate
conference to include the Administration's LSC reform proposals. If
the reforms are not included, the 180 lawmakers say that they will
back the Pres ident if he vetoes the appropriations bill. So far,
the President's senior advisors recommend a veto unless the reforms
are included. They are right to do so.
For two good reasons, the LSC has been targeted'for elimination by
every Reagan budget: 1) it is an ineffective means of delivering
legal services to the poor, and 2) it supports highly politicized
"legal action projects" devoted to advancing a liberal, a n
ti-Reagan social agenda. The Administration's proposed reforms for
LSC would inject accountability and competition into awarding LSC
grants, and end funding for the "national support centers" and
other LSC activities that in effect have been serving as th ink
tanks for radical groups.
Lobbying for Legislation. The LSC was created in 1974 to provide
"high quality legal assistance to those would be otherwise unable
to afford adequate legal counsel" (PL 93-355, as amended; 42 USC
2996). From the very beginning , however, LSC grantees became
involved in much broader advocacy activities, including lobbying
for legislation. Beginning in 1977, Congress has passed numerous
restrictions on use of funds for lobbying, legislative advocacy,
providing training for boycot ts and strikes, and other political
activity - all in response to specific complaints about LSC
activities in these areas. Even as it passed these restrictions,
however, Congress has made other changes that have the opposite
effect.
In 1977, for example, C ongress changed its mind about LSC funding
of "backup centers" - now known as "National Support Centers."
Tliese centers ostensibly were to provide research and litigation
support to LSC grantees. As critics predicted, however, the
National Support Center s have become think tanks for the radical
left, working actively for such causes as the f1sanctuary
movement," child custody rights for homosexuals, and expanding
minors' rights to abortions without parental consent. To the extent
these activities violate congressional restrictions, the grantees
simply argue, usually. without convincing evidence, that they were
conducted with funds from other sources.
Through appropriations riders, meanwhile, Congress has
prohibited the I.SC from spending money to enforce many of the
restrictions Congress earlier imposed. And Congress has crippled
ILSC's ability to investigate such abuses by placing restrictions
on reporting and monitoring of ILSC grantees. These grantees are
exempt from the reporting requirements that ap p ly to virtually
all other recipients of federal funds. They also need not compete
for grants. There is even an explicit "grandfather" provision that
guarantees funding for past recipients, no matter how inefficient
or ineffective they may be. Theoreticall y, LSC still has authority
to defund grantees that explicitly violate the law, but the process
is so cumbersome that it takes months and costs hundreds of
thousands of dollars to defund even the most flagrant
violators.
The result of these restrictions is, predictably, a process run
amok. Radical lawyers use taxpayer money to propound extremist
social theories, while such everyday legal needs of the poor as
landlord-tenant disputes, spouse abuse, wills, and so forth go
unmet. Indeed LSC grantees often turn away those eligible for I.SC
help and refer them instead to private attorneys.
The Reagan Proposal. The first seven budgets that Reagan
submitted to Congress proposed to eliminate the Legal Services
Corporation altogether. Senate hearings in 1982 confirme d the
worst fears of LSC's critics. Yet the proposal to abolish ILSC went
nowhere. The Administration's fiscal 1989 budget accepts ISC, but
tries to ensure that it will function as intended - to serve the
poor, not as a radical lobby. The Administration p roposes to fund
LSC at $250 million, down $45 million from fiscal 1988. More
important than this cost cutting are the proposed reforms of ILSC
including:
* * Eliminating funding for National Support Centers and related
activities. I.SC grant recipients sti ll could use LSC funds to
purchase needed services like research and litigation support, and
grant recipients could purchase them from the existing support
centers.
Improving accountability by permitting LSC to promulgate and
enforce necessary regulations and recordkeeping requirements.
* * Permiting competition for LSC grants. The U.S government
required competition for more than 500 grants in fiscal 1988,
totaling more than $15 billion. The President's proposal would
permit the ISC to require grantees t o compete for LSC funds on the
basis of which programs best serve the legal needs of the poor.
* * Channeling 96 percent of LSC's funds into direct services.
By eliminating funding for the National Support Centers, the
President's proposal channels nearly all of the LSC's funding into
providing legal services for those who need them.
The ILSC funding is part of a huge $15 billion 1989
appropriations bin for the Departments of Commerce, State, and
Justice. This bill is now awaiting action by a House-Senate
conference committee. Under the procedural rules of Congress, the
conferees can agree to the Administration's proposed reforms. If
they do not, Reagan should veto the bill. With the letter from the
180 lawmakers, it is near certain that the veto would be sustained.
The White House then should work with Congress to pass a revised
bill that restores the Legal Services Corporation to its original
mission.
David Hoppe Vice President, Government Relations
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