Although security is one of the most basic
challenges for any nation, this issue, unfortunately, has not had a
high profile among the Japanese people in Japan's post-war
political scene.
With
the end of the Cold War, we predicted the advent of a peaceful and
stable international society. In reality, however, we have seen
unstable situations such as the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction, ethnic and religious conflicts, and terrorist
attacks.
The
two issues that form the pillar of importance in national security,
countermeasures against terrorism and emergency legislation, have
been hot topics not only in the Japanese Diet session but also
among the Japanese people for the past year. On the issue of
countermeasures against terrorism, the Anti-Terrorism Special
Measures Law was enacted last October and has provided the legal
basis for Japanese cooperation and support activities, such as
replenishment and transportation for U.S. forces since late last
year. Three bills related to emergency legislation were submitted
to the current Diet session just last month and debate on them will
begin soon.
The
difference between these two issues is that the first deals with
countermeasures against a new type of danger, international
terrorism, while the three bills related to emergency legislation,
on the other hand, are for enacting legislative measures in the
event of armed attacks against Japan.
However, the two issues are related in
that both the countermeasures against terrorism and the emergency
legislation stipulate how Japan responds actively and legislatively
under civilian control in the emergency contingencies, which
enhances Japan's effectiveness in national security.
First, I would like to discuss Japan's
countermeasures against terrorism, and next, I will discuss the
legislation to address emergency situations.
JAPAN'S COUNTER-MEASURES AGAINST
TERRORISM
The
terrorist attacks against the United States on September 11, 2001,
are extremely contemptible and unforgivable outrages that took a
great number of lives. They are a serious challenge against not
only the U.S. but also democratic societies as a whole. Japan has
provided support to the U.S. and has taken a firm stand on giving
necessary assistance and cooperation since the terrorism attacks.
Japan recognizes that we have to face the challenges resolutely,
and in cooperation with those countries concerned in order to
ensure that such acts can never occur again.
The
Government of Japan (GOJ) formulated a basic policy approximately
one week following the September 11 attacks that included: (1)
taking active measures in the war on terrorism as an issue of
Japan's own national security and (2) dealing with terrorism in
unity with the countries in the world, giving firm support to the
U.S. as an ally. Two weeks later, the GOJ submitted to the Diet the
Anti-Terrorism Special Law to allow logistical support, such as
supply of fuel for ships and transportation by the Japan
Self-Defense Force to U.S. forces, in order to remove threats of
such terrorism attacks. As a result of deliberating on every work
day and even on Saturdays during the Diet session, the
Anti-Terrorism Special Law was enacted at the end of last October,
a little less than one month after the submission of the bill.
Furthermore, the GOJ began to provide
transportation by the Air-Self Defense Force in late November and
to supply fuel in the Indian Ocean in early December, following
consultations with the U.S. government on the basic plan.
As I
mentioned, Japan began to provide logistical support just three
months following the terrorism attacks. During the Gulf War that
began after the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in August 1990, a bill on
Japan's contribution to the Gulf War was rejected by the Diet.
Eight months after the cease-fire of the war, the GOJ finally
managed to dispatch minesweepers to the Gulf. Compared with Japan's
response during the Gulf War, it is obvious that Japan's response
immediately after the terrorist attacks against the U.S. was
markedly different in both the swiftness and the substance of the
support. In short, against the emergence of a new and unprecedented
threat, Japan was able to share the recognition of these threats
with the U.S., by tackling the problem on its own initiative and
ensuring solidarity not only with the U.S. but also with the
international community.
Currently, based on the Anti-Terrorism
Special Law, the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF)
dispatched two Fast Combat Support Ships and three Destroyers, and
the MSDF has been engaged in refueling U.S. and U.K. ships at sea
without charge, with a total of 65 refuelings of approximately
114,000 kiloliters of fuel as of April 21, 2002. As for support by
the Air Self-Defense Forces (ASDF), C-130 transport airplanes and
other aircraft have transported goods such as spare parts and
clothes between U.S. bases in Japan and the island of Guam with a
total of 33 domestic missions and 14 overseas missions as of April
21, 2002.
Regarding the prospect of JSDF activities
in the near future, the Anti-Terrorism Special Law plans for a
six-month deployment of the MSDF and ASDF units for supply
activities, from November 20, 2001, to May 19, 2002. However,
because all al-Qaeda and Taliban leaders have not yet been
identified and eradicated, and fighting still occurs in
Afghanistan, the war on terrorism will continue for the time being.
Based on the information currently available, the GOJ is now
reviewing whether or not to extend the duration of JSDF deployed
units. I think it is preferable for Japan to work within the
international framework in order to eradicate terrorism with
extension of the duration of deployment of JSDF units.
An
important point here is that the Anti-Terrorism Special Law does
not prescribe measures against international terrorism in general,
but the particular September 11 terrorist attacks on the U.S. It
also prescribes that the objects for support are not U.S. forces in
general but specifically the U.S. forces and the forces of other
countries making efforts to remove the perpetrators of the
September 11 attacks. Accordingly, in order for the GOJ to provide
support based on the Anti-Terrorism Special Law, it is
indispensable to establish a sequence of cause and effect for the
September 11 attacks. In light of the effect of the current
Anti-Terrorism Special Law, should the U.S. take the next step in
the fight against terrorism, I think it is highly important for
both countries to work in close cooperation and to keep in contact
with each other.
The
cooperation between the U.S. and Japan regarding the measures
against terrorism greatly contributes to the international
community and at the same time has great potential to strengthen
the U.S.-Japan alliance. I believe that it is important for the GOJ
to tackle the difficult task of eradicating terrorism in the
international community based on its own initiative. Moreover, by
allowing us to conduct such tasks of joint interest smoothly and
effectively, I strongly believe that it will strengthen the
relations between our two countries. It will also allow us to make
the most of the U.S.-Japan alliance, which is a precious common
asset for both our countries.
LEGISLATION TO DEAL WITH THE EMERGENCY
SITUATION
The
emergency legislation along with the countermeasures against
terrorism is currently among the points of greatest interest at
home because they are issues at the core of Japan's national
security.
The
Japan Defense Agency (JDA) began studies on emergency legislation
in 1977 and made an official announcement on the status of the
review and the outline of the main issues in 1981 and 1984. These
studies were conducted for the purpose of addressing the
requirements of a fundamental legislative framework for the JSDF to
conduct its mission smoothly in emergency situations
Today, a quarter century later, the fruits
of these studies have not directly resulted in actual legislation,
for they were not conducted with the purpose of legislation in
mind.
However, during the ten years from the
Gulf War through the September 11 attacks, we have seen the
awareness of the Japanese people changing, and the people have came
to widely recognize that it is necessary to make the current system
of Japan's national security and crisis management more robust. A
turning point was the approval by the Diet in May 1999 of the Law
Concerning Measures to Ensure the Peace and Security of Japan in
Situations in Areas Surrounding Japan, based on the Guidelines for
Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation established in 1997. We saw
increasing recognition among the Japanese people that it is
necessary to promote emergency legislation to defend Japan. As a
result, the new cabinet under Prime Minister Koizumi has taken up
the political challenge of discussing publicly the necessity of the
legislation to deal with emergency situations.
On
April 16, the Koizumi Cabinet made a decision on three bills
related to emergency legislation and submitted them to the Diet.
First was the Bill to Respond to Armed Attack Situation which
prescribes the basic principles for response to an armed attack,
the respective responsibilities of the national and local
governments, the areas in which the people will be called upon to
cooperate, and other fundamental items necessary in ensuring the
preparedness of our country. The second was a bill to amend the
Self-Defense Forces Law, which corrects long-standing pending
legislative issues regarding the activities of the JSDF, such as
land use and transportation by the JSDF in an armed attack
situation. Finally, the third bill amends the Law on the
Establishment of the Security Council of Japan, which strengthens
the functions of the Security Council of Japan in the event of a
national emergency.
The
three bills related to the emergency legislation submitted to the
current Diet session are not only the fruits of the studies the JDA
has conducted so far, but also propose the systems of
decision-making and response measures to be taken in the event of
an emergency, and include the entire picture of programming for
additional legislation in the future, with incorporation of a
specific target period. In that sense, the three bills are epochal,
providing the modalities of Japan's response to armed attack
situations comprehensively. The legislation to ensure the smooth
operation of the U.S. forces in situations of armed attacks is also
to be reviewed in the program. I believe that the legislation will
promote closer Japan-U.S. cooperation in such emergency
situations.
In
the near future, the debate on these bills will reach its peak in
the Diet session. I think that the most basic function of a country
is to secure the lives and property of their people, and to build
up the political system in such a way so that the country can best
fulfill this role. I intend to do my best to make the legislation
to deal with emergency situations as effective as possible.
CONCLUSION
The
terrorist attacks on September 11 last year are an unforgettable
nightmare for U.S. citizens and all people around the world. A
great number of people have come to realize that the world
underwent a drastic change after September 11 and that the paradigm
of the security environment has shifted. I believe this recognition
has firmly registered in the minds of the Japanese people, although
perhaps not as dramatically as it has for the American people.
After World War II, a large number of Japanese people have had a
sense that peace is easily taken for granted as if it were oxygen,
having enjoyed unprecedented prosperity and peace. But this sense
of peace has gradually changed. In Japan, we have faced
unpredictable terror and threats such as the Great Hanshin-Awaji
Earthquake, sarin incidents, North Korea's test launch of its Taepo
Dong missile, and infiltration of unidentified ships in the past
ten years.
The
September 11 incident especially shocked us, completely changing an
existing way of thinking about crisis management and national
security. I believe that the transformation of the Japanese
people's sensibilities has been expressed in the swift approval of
the Anti-Terrorism Special Law and the wide-spread support for the
legislation to address emergency situations.
Some
people in neighboring countries have felt misgivings about our
country's situation, viewing it as a sign of the rebirth of
narrow-minded nationalism. However, I believe that the change in
consciousness of the Japanese people is based on a correct
recognition of the new security environment, and it is both a
realistic and sound response.
I
recognize the importance of the leadership that U.S. politicians,
including President Bush, have showed following September 11 and in
the war on terrorism. I feel that politicians should take
leadership roles during the transformation of the Japanese people's
sensibilities of the national security environment and crisis
management. I intend to do my determined best to tackle terrorism
and to enact legislation to address emergency situations.
In
early September last year, I attended a ceremony in San Francisco
to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the enactment of the
Japan-U.S. Peace Treaty. At that time, as I thought back on the
modalities of Japan's national security for the past 50 years since
the end of World War II, and at the same time contemplated the
modalities of Japan's national security and crisis management for
the next 50 years, I was strongly convinced that it is highly
important to build peace and stability in the world, based on the
Japan-U.S. Security Treaty as its core.
The
21st century is often called the Asia Pacific Century. The U.S. and
Japan shoulder the important responsibility of determining whether
the Asia-Pacific region will experience confusion and sluggishness,
or enjoy stability and prosperity.
The
U.S. and Japan share the common values of freedom and democracy,
and the common strategic interest of pursuing co-existence with
other countries in the world. In closing, I should like to propose
that the U.S. and Japan should further enhance existing cooperation
between us, and face the task together of creating a new century
when civilization will flourish.
The Honorable Fukushiro Nukaga is a Liberal
Democratic Party member of the Diet (House of Representatives) of
Japan.