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ISSUES > Features
Latin America: Deepening Democracy, Strengthening Security, Advancing Trade
by Stephen Johnson
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ACTION: Support more democratic reforms in the region, accelerate negotiations on free trade agreements, and modernize hemispheric security measures to counter international criminal and terrorist threats.
The Issue in Brief
Despite the tragic events of September 11, 2001, which focused U.S. attention on terrorism and the Middle East, Washington must resume efforts to fulfill President George W. Bush's promise to make this "the Century of the Americas." While reforms have borne fruit in such countries as Mexico and Chile, much of South America is experiencing a populist backlash against the evolution of democracy and free markets that could lead to failed states and thus threaten hemispheric security. This would set back 20 years of progress as Latin America has moved (with the exception of Cuba) from a region of military dictatorships to a community of democracies and become a major trade partner and supplier of more than 18 percent of U.S. petroleum imports.
Under the Clinton Administration, piecemeal responses to crises in the region replaced the sustained support of the 1980s and early 1990s for the fragile political and economic gains made by many of these countries. While President Clinton won approval of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994--doubling commerce among Canada, Mexico, and the United States in the years since--he also committed 20,000 troops and $3 billion to restore the presidency of non-democrat Jean-Bertrand Aristide in Haiti, who has ruled through street mobs rather than by building functional public institutions. During the mid-1990s, U.S. inattention to Colombia's drug war encouraged a cancer that now feeds international crime and terrorism, threatening to infect the entire hemisphere.
Declining support for democratic reforms in U.S. development programs has left the hemisphere without a champion of political reform. Democracy has retreated in Venezuela as populist president and former coup plotter Hugo Chávez has divided his nation. More and more voters in Bolivia, Brazil, and Ecuador are responding favorably to the campaign rhetoric of populist politicians.
In the area of hemispheric security, U.S. military-to-military relations still rely on 1980s-style training programs and joint exercises, and routine collaboration between the United States and host-country military and civilian agencies still focuses on counternarcotics, directed on an ad hoc basis by Congress. Although drug trafficking from Latin America threatens hemispheric security, it is not the only threat. Ten of some 30 known international terrorist groups now operate in that region. Cuba, a state sponsor of terrorism, harbors the Basque Fatherland and Liberty (ETA) group and the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Marxist guerrillas use Colombia's poorly controlled countryside and porous borders to extort, murder, and traffic in drugs--reportedly exchanging them for weapons with Middle Eastern groups and technical training from the IRA. Egyptian and Iranian terrorists have relied on smugglers doing business near Paraguay's Ciudad del Este to help fill their coffers and support attacks on Israeli and U.S. targets in the Americas.
The story in trade is more encouraging. Since President Clinton signed NAFTA, commerce between the United States and Mexico has tripled; and last year, Congress gave President Bush trade promotion authority (TPA) to enable him to conclude the bilateral trade agreements under negotiation with Chile and Central America. Moreover, the Organization of American States (OAS), armed with its year-old Democracy Charter, is promoting constitutional order at a time when many of the region's democracies are being tested by autocrats and inexperienced leaders.
What Happened in 2002
This past year, the Administration and Congress made some progress in key areas toward defining a more pro-active U.S.-Latin America policy. The President won TPA in August; a bipartisan legislative effort backed his supplemental request to allow U.S.-provided resources to be used to pursue terrorists in Colombia (P.L. 107-206); and the Administration introduced the Millennium Challenge Account as a better way to distribute foreign aid to developing countries that demonstrate the rule of law and practice democratic rule.
Washington recently began to revive public diplomacy initiatives and support for civil society programs in Venezuela, where a belligerent President Chávez faces a fragmented opposition. But in Brazil, funding for Voice of America (VOA) programming that was dropped in 2001 has not been restored. Funding for the President's Andean Regional Initiative has languished in the fiscal year (FY) 2003 Foreign Operations Appropriations Act (S. 2779), which was not passed before the 107th Congress adjourned, potentially delaying counternarcotics assistance to Colombia and other countries in the region. Though the Administration's Initiative for a New Cuba provides general guidelines for encouraging reforms in Cuba, it includes no specific blueprint for such engagement, inviting sympathetic U.S. Congressmen to promote legislation that would bail out Castro's failed economy with U.S. taxpayer-backed loans. And while the Millennium Challenge Account for foreign assistance provides a strong incentive for reform, it fails to address cases like Haiti, where a despotic leader restored to power with U.S. help resists forming a functioning government. Finally, the counternarcotics and lingering Cold War approaches to regional security are not addressing new threats of international crime and terrorism effectively.
What to Do in 2003
While the initiatives the Administration pursued in 2002 will enable the United States to conclude free trade agreements with Chile and Central America, help Colombia more effectively pursue narcoterrorists, and reward countries that take measurable steps toward political and economic reform, the United States still lacks a comprehensive, long-range strategy. Political, economic, and security troubles that affect the stability of neighboring states could easily turn into a deluge of asylum-seekers crossing the U.S. border, as well as depressed markets and complicated security challenges. America needs a long-term approach that encourages sound political and economic reform and lays a foundation for prosperity.
Washington must go beyond merely supporting elections toward promoting the rule of law, the establishment of checks and balances in government, and increasing accountability. Specifically, in 2003, it should:
- Promote ongoing democratic reforms through appropriate public diplomacy tools that inform civic leaders and the people and support the efforts of responsible non-governmental organizations to improve democratic governance. Aid should be used sparingly to support the development of durable institutions, not projects that can be wiped out by a change in leadership. The United States should not give foreign aid or loans to despots or autocrats to try to win their cooperation.
- Drop U.S. barriers to foreign steel and agricultural imports to accelerate negotiations on bilateral trade agreements and the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). The Administration and Congress should build on the leverage afforded by TPA to complete trade pacts with Chile and Central America. But to make progress on free trade with the rest of Latin America, they must cooperate to lower U.S. tariffs and agricultural subsidies as an incentive for other countries to negotiate trade agreements with the United States and to conclude the FTAA.
- Develop routine collaborative partnerships to combat international crime and terrorism. Specifically, the United States should move beyond counternarcotics aid and Cold War-era military relations to enhance its collaborative efforts with Latin American law enforcement agencies and military forces. It should promote the development of subregional cooperative protocols to counter emerging threats of international crime and terrorism. It also should exercise its leadership in the OAS to update the 1947 Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (Rio Treaty) to address new threats.
Stephen Johnson is Policy Analyst for Latin America in the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies at The Heritage Foundation.
EXPERTS
The Heritage Foundation
Stephen Johnson Policy Analyst for Latin America Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies The Heritage Foundation 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE Washington, DC 20002 (202) 608-6126 fax: (202) 678-1758 steve.johnson@heritage.org
Gina-Marie Hatheway Deputy Director of Government Relations, Foreign Policy and Defense The Heritage Foundation 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE Washington, DC 20002 (202) 608-6065 fax: (202) 678-1758 ginamarie.hatheway@heritage.org
Ana I. Eiras Economic Policy Analyst Center for International Trade and Economics The Heritage Foundation 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE Washington, DC 20002 (202) 608-6125 fax: (202) 608-1772 ana.eiras@heritage.org
Other Experts
Miguel Ceballos Director, Colombia Program Georgetown University 3307 M Street, NW, Suite 202 Washington, DC 20007 (202) 687-8234 fax: 202-687-2532 ceballom@georgetown.edu
John A. Cope Senior Fellow, Institute for National Security Studies National Defense University Fort Lesley J. McNair Washington, DC 20319 (202) 685-2373 CopeJ@ndu.edu
Mark Falcoff, Ph.D. Resident Scholar American Enterprise Institute 1150 17th Street, NW Washington, DC 20036 (202) 862-5902 fax: (202) 862-7177 mfalcoff@aei.org
Angel M. Rabasa Senior Policy Analyst RAND Corporation 1200 South Hayes Street Arlington, VA 22202 (703) 413-1100 fax: (703) 413-8111 angel_rabasa@rand.org
Howard J. Wiarda Senior Associate Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street, NW Washington, DC 20006 (202) 775-3373 fax: (202) 775-3199
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